{"id":4594,"date":"2019-03-20T11:16:27","date_gmt":"2019-03-20T09:16:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4594"},"modified":"2024-11-12T11:18:30","modified_gmt":"2024-11-12T09:18:30","slug":"e-verteta-drejtesia-dhe-e-mira-publike-simone-weil-mbi-manipulimin-politik","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/e-verteta-drejtesia-dhe-e-mira-publike-simone-weil-mbi-manipulimin-politik\/","title":{"rendered":"E v\u00ebrteta, drejt\u00ebsia dhe e mira publike: Simone Weil mbi manipulimin politik"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Artikulli origjinal ne\u00a0Brain Pickings<\/a><\/p>\n

V\u00ebmendja e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje aq e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, aq e dhunshme p\u00ebr \u00e7do krijes\u00eb njer\u00ebzore, saq\u00eb \u00e7do trazim emocional mund ta nxjerr\u00eb nga shinat. Prandaj, njeriu gjithnj\u00eb duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet fort t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e brendshme t\u00eb t\u00eb gjykuarit kundrejt rr\u00ebmuj\u00ebs s\u00eb shpresave dhe frik\u00ebrave personale.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

N\u00eb mosh\u00ebn 19 vje\u00e7are, Simone Weil (1909-1943) doli e para n\u00eb provimin pranues p\u00ebr certifikim n\u00eb \u201cFilozofi t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithshme dhe Logjik\u00eb\u201d; Simone de Beauvoir doli e dyta. Gjat\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr, Weil do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej nj\u00eb prej mendjeve m\u00eb dep\u00ebrtuese dhe largpam\u00ebse t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb saj. Albert Camus e lavd\u00ebronte si \u201ct\u00eb vetmen frym\u00eb madh\u00ebshtore t\u00eb koh\u00ebve tona.\u201d Poeti polak dhe laureati i \u00e7mimit nobel Czeslaw Milosz e konsideronte si \u201cdhurat\u00eb t\u00eb pa\u00e7muar p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn bashk\u00ebkohore.\u201d Ajo ishte idealiste q\u00eb jetoi idealet e saj. E lindur n\u00eb nj\u00eb familje prej intelektual\u00ebsh hebrenj, 24 vje\u00e7arja Weil mori nj\u00eb vit pushim nga m\u00ebsuesia p\u00ebr t\u00eb punuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb fabrik\u00eb autoveturash \u2013 p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr nj\u00eb neuropatie t\u00eb rrall\u00eb q\u00eb i shkaktonte shpesh kok\u00ebdh\u00ebmbje paralizuese \u2013 n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kuptonte m\u00eb mir\u00eb telashet e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve t\u00eb varf\u00ebr. Si 27 vje\u00e7are, ajo iu bashkua nj\u00eb brigade anarkiste gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs Civile n\u00eb Spanj\u00eb. Si 34 vje\u00e7are, vdiq urie n\u00eb nj\u00eb sanatorium anglez, ku ishte shtrir\u00eb p\u00ebr tuberkuloz, ngase nuk kishte pranuar t\u00eb pranonte m\u00eb shum\u00eb ushqim sa q\u00eb merrnin bashk\u00ebluft\u00ebtar\u00ebt e saj n\u00eb Franc\u00ebn e pushtuar nga nazist\u00ebt. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kohe, ajo shkroi me mpreht\u00ebsi t\u00eb pashoqe dhe rigorozitet retorik rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve bazike si\u00e7 jan\u00eb thelbi i v\u00ebmendjes, kuptimi i t\u00eb drejtave, \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet me vuajtjet tona, dhe \u00e7\u2019do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb jesh q\u00ebnie e plot\u00eb njer\u00ebzore.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb Weil duhet t\u00eb dergjet n\u00eb err\u00ebsir\u00eb dhe aq e pavler\u00ebsuar sot \u00ebsht\u00eb funksion tragjik i forcave t\u00eb dyfishta t\u00eb harres\u00ebs kolektive dhe shlyerjes sistemike t\u00eb ideve t\u00eb grave nga arkivat historike. E prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb idet\u00eb e saj, q\u00eb ndikuan mbi mendimtar\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb si Hannah Arendt, Susan Sontag, Iris Murdoch, Michel Foucault e Flannery O\u2019Connor, sot ndri\u00e7ojn\u00eb me plot kuptim\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb muajt e fundit t\u00eb jet\u00ebs, derisa shihte si nazist\u00ebt po shkat\u00ebrronin njer\u00ebzimin dhe po fragmentonin madje edhe t\u00eb arsyeshmit e t\u00eb drejtit n\u00eb fraksione opinionesh gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebse, Weil p\u00ebrmblodhi nj\u00eb traktat t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr e p\u00ebrc\u00ebllues t\u00eb titulluar\u00a0Mbi Zhdukjen e Partive Politike.<\/em>\u00a0Nuk u botua asnj\u00ebher\u00eb sa ishte e gjall\u00eb. Gati pas nj\u00eb shekulli, traktati flet me precizitet t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm e t\u00eb friksh\u00ebm rreth forcave q\u00eb po na e ndajn\u00eb bot\u00ebn m\u00eb dysh.<\/p>\n

Weil fillon duke shtruar nj\u00eb pyetje themeltare se a mund t\u00eb kompensohen t\u00eb ligat e dukshme t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7arjes politike me t\u00eb mirat e supozuara nga t\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuarit e pik\u00ebpamjeve t\u00eb nj\u00eb partie t\u00eb caktuar. Ajo shkruan:<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se cili \u00ebsht\u00eb kriteri i mir\u00ebsis\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb vet\u00ebm e v\u00ebrteta dhe drejt\u00ebsia; e, pastaj, edhe interesi publik.<\/em><\/p>\n

Demokracia, sundimi i shumic\u00ebs, nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb mira n\u00eb vetvete. Ato jan\u00eb thjesht mjete p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur mir\u00ebsin\u00eb, dhe efektshm\u00ebria e tyre nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00eb e sigurt. P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00ebse, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb Hitlerit, do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb Republika e Vajmarit ajo q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte vendosur, p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb procesi tejet rigoroz demokratik e ligjor, q\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7onte hebrenjt\u00eb n\u00eb kampet e p\u00ebrqendrimit, dhe t\u2019i torturonte mizorisht p\u00ebr vdekje, masat e tilla nuk do t\u00eb kishin qen\u00eb as edhe nj\u00eb grimc\u00eb m\u00eb legjitime se politikat e tashme naziste (dhe nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi e till\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak larg mendsh). Vet\u00ebm \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejt\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb legjitime. N\u00eb asnj\u00eb rrethan\u00eb krimi dhe g\u00ebnjeshtra nuk mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb legjitime.<\/em><\/p>\n

Duke pasur n\u00eb mendje k\u00ebto tri kritere elementare t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe interest publik, Weil i p\u00ebrkufizon karakteristikat thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha partive politike:<\/p>\n

1. Nj\u00eb parti politike \u00ebsht\u00eb makin\u00eb p\u00ebr gjenerimin e pasioneve kolektive.<\/em><\/p>\n

2. Nj\u00eb parti politike \u00ebsht\u00eb organizat\u00eb e krijuar q\u00eb t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb presion kolektiv mbi mendjet e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj ve\u00e7 e ve\u00e7.<\/em><\/p>\n

3. Q\u00ebllimi i par\u00eb dhe poashtu q\u00ebllimi i p\u00ebrfundimtar i \u00e7do partie politike \u00ebsht\u00eb rritja e vetvetes, pa kufi. \u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

Gati nj\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar para se Hannah Arendt t\u00eb shkruante kryevepr\u00ebn e saj mbi origjin\u00ebn e totalitarizmit, Weil nxjerr p\u00ebrfundimin e pashmangsh\u00ebm dhe shkat\u00ebrrimtar:<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre tri karakteristikave, \u00e7do parti \u00ebsht\u00eb totalitare \u2013 potencialisht dhe me aspirat\u00eb. N\u00ebse nj\u00eb parti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fakt totalitare, \u00ebsht\u00eb ashtu ngaq\u00eb ato parti q\u00eb e rrethojn\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb ashtu m\u00eb pak se ajo. K\u00ebto tri karakteristika jan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta faktike \u2013 t\u00eb qarta p\u00ebr secilin q\u00eb ka pasur t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb di\u00e7ka me aktivitetet e p\u00ebrditshme t\u00eb partive politike.<\/em><\/p>\n

Sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb tret\u00ebn: \u00ebsht\u00eb shembull i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb i fenomenit q\u00eb ndodh gjithmon\u00eb, kurdo q\u00eb individ\u00ebt q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb dominohen nga nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb kolektive \u2013 p\u00ebrmbysje e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies mes q\u00ebllimeve dhe mjeteve.<\/em><\/p>\n

\u00c7doku, pa p\u00ebrjashtim, t\u00eb gjitha gj\u00ebrat q\u00eb kryesisht konsiderohen si q\u00ebllime jan\u00eb n\u00eb fakt, p\u00ebr nga natyra, n\u00eb thelb, dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme, thjesht mjete. Mund t\u00eb citohen shembuj pa fund t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, prej \u00e7do fushe t\u00eb jet\u00ebs: paraja, pushteti, shteti, krenaria komb\u00ebtare, prodhimi ekonimik, universitetet, etj., etj.<\/em><\/p>\n

Vet\u00ebm mir\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebllim.<\/em><\/p>\n

Gati nj\u00eb shekull pasi Emersoni kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb se \u201cmasat jan\u00eb t\u00eb pagdhendura, t\u00eb \u00e7ala, t\u00eb pab\u00ebra, t\u00eb rrezikshme me k\u00ebrkesat dhe ndikimet e tyre,\u201d\u00a0\u00a0Weil shton<\/a>:<\/p>\n

T\u00eb menduarit kolektiv\u2026 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb kafsh\u00ebrore e t\u00eb menduarit. Perceptimi i tij i err\u00ebsuar i mir\u00ebsis\u00eb sall e mund\u00ebson q\u00eb ta ngat\u00ebrroj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ose at\u00eb mjet me t\u00eb mir\u00ebn absolute.<\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta vlen p\u00ebr partit\u00eb politike. N\u00eb parim, nj\u00eb parti \u00ebsht\u00eb instrument p\u00ebr t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbyer nj\u00eb koncepti t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb interesit publik. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr partit\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb interesat e nj\u00eb grupi t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm shoq\u00ebror, se gjithnj\u00eb ka nj\u00eb koncept t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb interesit publik sipas t\u00eb cilit interesi publik dhe k\u00ebto interesa t\u00eb posa\u00e7me do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb koincidonin. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb ky konceptim \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht i paqart\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb pa p\u00ebrjashtim dhe gati pandryshueshm\u00ebrisht.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Ajo shqyrton imt\u00ebsisht se si tipari i dyt\u00eb dhe i tret\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizon partit\u00eb politike \u2013 v\u00ebndosm\u00ebria p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikuar mbi mendjet e njer\u00ebzve dhe q\u00ebllimi p\u00ebrfundimtar i rritjes pakufi \u2013 komplotojn\u00eb me rezultat manipulimin total t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs dhe korruptimin e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb:<\/p>\n

Me t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb rritja e partis\u00eb kriter i mir\u00ebsis\u00eb, partia pashmangsh\u00ebm do t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb presion kolektiv mbi mendjet e njer\u00ebzve. Ky presion \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i pranish\u00ebm; shp\u00ebrfaqet haptas; shpallet e ngrihet n\u00eb qiell. Kjo duhet t\u00eb na tmerroj\u00eb, por tashm\u00eb jemi tep\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00ebsuar me t\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n

Partit\u00eb politike jan\u00eb organizata q\u00eb jan\u00eb krijuar publikisht e zyrtarisht me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb mbysin n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shpirtrat sensin e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs dhe drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Presioni kolektiv ushtrohet mbi publikun e gj\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrmes propagand\u00ebs. Q\u00ebllimi i betuar i propagand\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhap\u00eb drit\u00eb, por q\u00eb t\u00eb mbush\u00eb mendje\u2026 T\u00eb gjitha partit\u00eb politike b\u00ebjn\u00eb propagand\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n

Ajo shkruan p\u00ebr efektin e zymt\u00eb mbi individin:<\/p>\n

Njeriu i cili nuk ka marr\u00eb vendimin q\u00eb t\u00eb mbes\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht besnik ndaj drit\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme, v\u00eb g\u00ebnjeshtr\u00ebn mu n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb shpirtit. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb, nd\u00ebshkimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb err\u00ebsira e brendshme.<\/em><\/p>\n

Me v\u00ebm\u00ebndjen te tri tipet e rrenave p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cil\u00ebve ngjan ky manipulim \u2013 \u201crrej partin\u00eb, rrej publikun, rrej vetveten\u201d \u2013 Weil shqyrton natyr\u00ebn dhe paradoksin e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs:<\/p>\n

E v\u00ebrteta p\u00ebrb\u00ebn t\u00eb gjitha mendimet q\u00eb rriten n\u00eb mendjen e nj\u00eb krijese q\u00eb mendon, d\u00ebshira unike, totale dhe e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e s\u00eb cilit \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn.<\/em><\/p>\n

G\u00ebnjeshtra, gabimi (t\u00eb dyja jan\u00eb sinonime), jan\u00eb mendime t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb nuk e d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn, ose atyre q\u00eb d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn plus di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr. P\u00ebr shembull, d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn, por gjithashtu d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb konformitet me k\u00ebso apo aso idesh.<\/em><\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, si mund ta d\u00ebshirojm\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn n\u00ebse nuk kemi njohuri paraprake p\u00ebr t\u00eb? Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb misteri i t\u00eb gjith\u00eb mistereve. Fjal\u00ebt q\u00eb shprehin p\u00ebrsosm\u00ebrin\u00eb q\u00eb asnj\u00eb mendje s\u2019mund ta kap\u00eb \u2013 Zoti, e v\u00ebrteta, drejt\u00ebsia \u2013 q\u00eb d\u00ebshira ndjell heshtazi, por pa asnj\u00eb presupozim, kan\u00eb fuqin\u00eb q\u00eb ta ngren\u00eb shpirtin lart dhe ta v\u00ebrshojn\u00eb me drit\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n

Vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb kur d\u00ebshirojm\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn me shpirt t\u00eb zbraz\u00ebt e pa u p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb supozojm\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjen e saj, mund t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb drit\u00ebn. Aty q\u00ebndron i t\u00ebr\u00eb mekanizmi i v\u00ebmendjes.<\/em><\/p>\n

Mbase p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb besimit t\u00eb frazuar bukur se \u201cv\u00ebmendja \u00ebsht\u00eb forma m\u00eb rrall\u00eb dhe m\u00eb e past\u00ebr e zem\u00ebrgj\u00ebr\u00ebsis\u00eb,\u201d Weil propozon q\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojturit e v\u00ebmendjes ton\u00eb nga manipulimi \u00ebsht\u00eb kontributi m\u00eb i madh dhe m\u00eb zem\u00ebrgjer\u00eb p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn publike dhe t\u00eb mir\u00ebn publike \u2013 di\u00e7ka t\u00eb cil\u00ebn natyra njer\u00ebzore, e sunduar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb aq t\u00eb pashpres\u00eb nga shpresa dhe frika, e b\u00ebn tej mase sfiduese p\u00ebr ta arritur dhe prandaj edhe m\u00eb ngadh\u00ebnjyese kur arrihet:<\/p>\n

V\u00ebmendja e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje aq e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, aq e dhunshme p\u00ebr \u00e7do krijes\u00eb njer\u00ebzore, saq\u00eb \u00e7do trazim emocional mund ta nxjerr\u00eb nga shinat. Prandaj, njeriu gjithnj\u00eb duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet fort t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e brendshme t\u00eb t\u00eb gjykuarit kundrejt rr\u00ebmuj\u00ebs s\u00eb shpresave dhe frik\u00ebrave personale.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Ajo merr parasysh rrezikun e posa\u00e7\u00ebm dhe suprem t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb filozofja Martha Nussbaum do t\u2019i quaj\u00eb, gati nj\u00eb shekull m\u00eb von\u00eb,\u00a0emocionet tona politike<\/a>\u2013 impulsin e pamenduar e t\u00eb shtyr\u00eb nga afekti drejt besimit dhe t\u00eb vepruarit, t\u00eb cilin e manipulojn\u00eb me aq shkatht\u00ebsi politikan\u00ebt duke luajtur me shpresat e frik\u00ebrat tona. Weil i v\u00eb emrin \u201cpasion kolektiv\u201d dhe shkruan:<\/p>\n

Kur nj\u00eb vend \u00ebsht\u00eb buz\u00eb pasionit kolektiv, b\u00ebhet nj\u00ebsh me krimin. Po ra pre e dy, a kat\u00ebr, a pes\u00eb, a dhjet\u00eb pasioneve kolektive, ndahet mes disa bandave kriminale. Pasionet e ndryshme nuk neutralizojn\u00eb nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebn\u2026 ato p\u00ebrplasen me zhurm\u00eb t\u00eb sk\u00ebterrshme, dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb potere t\u00eb till\u00eb mbyten z\u00ebrat e brisht\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs.<\/em><\/p>\n

Pasioni kolektiv \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi burim i energjis\u00eb n\u00eb dispozicion t\u00eb partive me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb propogand\u00eb dhe t\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb presion mbi shpirtin e secilit an\u00ebtar.<\/em><\/p>\n

Njeriu v\u00ebren se shpirti partiak i verbon njer\u00ebzit, i b\u00ebn t\u00eb shurdh\u00ebr ndaj drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, shtyn edhe njer\u00ebzit e mir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrndjekin mizorisht caqe t\u00eb pafajshme. Njeriu v\u00ebren, dhe prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb askush nuk propozon q\u00eb t\u00eb heq\u00eb qafe organizata t\u00eb tilla q\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb lig\u00ebsi t\u00eb tilla.<\/em><\/p>\n

Efekti m\u00eb helmues i pasionit kolektiv, argumenton Weil-i, \u00ebsht\u00eb se ngushton horizontin e v\u00ebmendjes drejt pikave t\u00eb posa\u00e7me me afekt t\u00eb zmadhuar \u2013 ide t\u00eb izoluara p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat ndjejm\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm, ose na b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb ndjejm\u00eb, pro ose kund\u00ebr \u2013 duke p\u00ebrjashtuar t\u00eb gjitha idet\u00eb shoq\u00ebruese q\u00eb vijn\u00eb deng n\u00eb nj\u00eb ideologji t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb partiake. Njer\u00ebzit nxiten q\u00eb t\u2019i bashkohen nj\u00eb partie a kauze ngaq\u00eb iu p\u00ebrgjigjet disa gj\u00ebrave t\u00eb cilat i kan\u00eb p\u00ebr zem\u00ebr, porse rrall\u00eb i shqyrtojn\u00eb me imt\u00ebsi idet\u00eb e tjera q\u00eb p\u00ebrqafon partia \u2013 p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb shum\u00eb prej tyre me t\u00eb cilat, n\u00eb rast reflektimi e shqyrtimi, nuk do t\u00eb pajtoheshin fare.<\/p>\n

Weil qorton se p\u00ebrderisa ky fragmentim manipulativ i t\u00eb menduarit n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe interesit publik q\u00eb ka zanafill\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn ton\u00eb, e ka p\u00ebrshkuar gati \u00e7do fush\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore:<\/p>\n

Njer\u00ebzit kan\u00eb zhvilluar n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi shprehin\u00eb e t\u00eb menduarit, n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha fushat, vet\u00ebm n\u00eb terma t\u00eb t\u00eb qenit \u201cpro\u201d ose \u201ckund\u00ebr\u201d \u00e7do opinioni, dhe pastaj k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb argumente p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur nj\u00eb prej dy opsioneve\u2026 Ka njer\u00ebz mendjegj\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb pranuar vler\u00ebn e opinioneve me t\u00eb cilat nuk pajtohen. Ata kan\u00eb humbur t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht konceptin e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb rremes.<\/em><\/p>\n

T\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, me t\u00eb marr\u00eb pozicionin pro nj\u00eb opinioni t\u00eb caktuar, nuk pranojn\u00eb t\u00eb shqyrtojn\u00eb asnj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje kund\u00ebrshtuese. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrk\u00ebmbim i shpirti totalitar.<\/em><\/p>\n

Kur Einstein-i vizitoi Franc\u00ebn, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb i p\u00ebrkisnin qarqeve intelektuale, p\u00ebfshir\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, u ndan\u00eb n\u00eb dy kampe: p\u00ebr Einstein-in ose kund\u00ebr tij. \u00c7do ide e re shkencore gjen n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e shkenc\u00ebs p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs dhe armiq \u2013 t\u00eb dy an\u00ebt t\u00eb p\u00ebrndezura n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb vajtueshme me shpirtin partiak. Bota intelektuale \u00ebsht\u00eb gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs plot me trende dhe fraksione, n\u00eb stade t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb kristalizimit.<\/em><\/p>\n

N\u00eb art dhe let\u00ebrsi, ky fenomen \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb i p\u00ebrhapur. Kubizmi dhe surrealizmi qen\u00eb t\u00eb secila nj\u00eb lloj partie. Disa njer\u00ebz qen\u00eb Gidian e t\u00eb tjer\u00eb Morizian. T\u00eb arrish fam\u00ebn, \u00ebsht\u00eb e dobishme t\u00eb rrethohesh me nj\u00eb band\u00eb fansash, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb xhindosur prej shpirtit partiak.<\/em><\/p>\n

Sado i zbatuesh\u00ebm insistimi qendror i Weil-it rreth zhdukjes s\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha partive politike do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ishte n\u00eb realitet, argumenti m\u00eb i thell\u00eb i saj \u2013 r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e mospranimit t\u00eb adoptimit t\u00eb opinioneve p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebse bardh e zi mes dhe p\u00ebrbrenda nesh \u2013 mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmi: akti m\u00eb kund\u00ebrkulturor i guximit dhe i rezistenc\u00ebs q\u00eb mund t\u00eb performoj\u00eb sot secili prej nesh. Ajo konkludon:<\/p>\n

Gati kudo \u2013 shpesh kur merremi me probleme t\u00eb pastra teknike \u2013 n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb, thjesht mbajm\u00eb an\u00eb: pro ose kund\u00ebr. Zgjedhja e till\u00eb e z\u00ebvend\u00ebson aktivitetin e mendjes. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb g\u00ebrbul\u00eb intelektuale; u nis n\u00eb bot\u00ebn politike dhe pastaj u shtri gjat\u00ebp\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vendit, duke kontaminuar t\u00eb gjitha format e t\u00eb menduarit. Kjo g\u00ebrbul\u00eb po na vret.<\/em><\/p>\n

—-<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu:\u00a0Bardhi Bakija<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Artikulli origjinal ne\u00a0Brain Pickings V\u00ebmendja e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje aq e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, aq e dhunshme p\u00ebr \u00e7do krijes\u00eb njer\u00ebzore, saq\u00eb \u00e7do trazim emocional mund ta nxjerr\u00eb nga shinat. Prandaj, njeriu gjithnj\u00eb duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet fort t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e brendshme t\u00eb t\u00eb gjykuarit kundrejt rr\u00ebmuj\u00ebs s\u00eb shpresave dhe frik\u00ebrave personale.\u201d N\u00eb mosh\u00ebn 19 […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":289,"featured_media":9977,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1329,868,1752],"ppma_author":[301],"class_list":["post-4594","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-drejtesia","tag-politika","tag-publike"],"authors":[{"term_id":301,"user_id":289,"is_guest":0,"slug":"maria-popova","display_name":"Maria Popova","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/4d34b39d-3efc-4035-923f-ea3bdda29912.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/4d34b39d-3efc-4035-923f-ea3bdda29912.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Popova","first_name":"Maria","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4594","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/289"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4594"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4594\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9978,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4594\/revisions\/9978"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9977"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4594"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4594"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4594"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4594"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}