{"id":4658,"date":"2021-06-10T11:25:54","date_gmt":"2021-06-10T09:25:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4658"},"modified":"2025-01-17T11:26:49","modified_gmt":"2025-01-17T09:26:49","slug":"te-jetuarit-me-ankthin-e-tragjedise-iii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/kritike\/te-jetuarit-me-ankthin-e-tragjedise-iii\/","title":{"rendered":"T\u00eb jetuarit me ankthin e tragjedis\u00eb (III)"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Tronditja e shtyllave t\u00eb rendit liberal<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Procese t\u00eb tilla dramatike e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb besueshme tez\u00ebn e artikuluar koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb nga studiuesi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, Robert Kagan, n\u00eb librin e tij: \u201cThe Jungle Grows Back\u2013 America and Our Imperiled World<\/a>\u201d, se sistemi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar hap-pas-hapi po rr\u00ebshqet nga paradigma e \u00ebnd\u00ebrruar e \u201ckopshtit\u201d drejt modelit t\u00eb\u201cxhungl\u00ebs\u201d, ku forcat objektive historike, presionet ekonomike dhe rivalitetet gjeopolitike po g\u00eblojn\u00eb jasht\u00eb \u00e7do kontrolli institucional, sistemik dhe moral, duke b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb \u201chakmarrja e historis\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb karakterin e nj\u00eb force irreversibile\u201d.<\/p>\n

Natyrisht, sipas autor\u00ebve Brands dhe Edel, rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar liberal demokratik q\u00eb u inaugurua pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore nga SHBA-ja me aleat\u00ebt e saj dhe q\u00eb e arriti maj\u00ebn kulmore me p\u00ebrfundimin e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb rr\u00ebnuar plot\u00ebsisht, mir\u00ebpo disa nga shtyllat bazike t\u00eb tij nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se nuk kan\u00eb p\u00ebsuar qarje serioze. Zaten edhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebllimi i librit. Q\u00eb t\u00eb na alarmoj\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebto trandje.<\/p>\n

Sulmet ndaj k\u00ebsaj paradigme kan\u00eb marr\u00eb karakter gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb hapur. Shtetet sikur Kina dhe Rusia po i manifestojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb agresive ambiciet e tyre revizioniste. Bie fjala, gjat\u00eb viteve 90-ta k\u00ebto dy shtete nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqura me hegjemonin\u00eb e institucioneve trans-atlantike me epiqend\u00ebr Uashingtonin, mir\u00ebpo i kan\u00eb pasur kapacitetet e limituara p\u00ebr t\u2019ju kund\u00ebrv\u00eb hapur.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb ato rrethana, Pekini ka qen\u00eb totalisht i preokupuar vet\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrfitime ekonomike nga kjo konjuktur\u00eb globale. Kurse, Rusia natyrisht q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb e frusutar nga zgjerimi i NATO-s\u00eb drejt ish vendeve t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Lindore q\u00eb dikur participinonin n\u00eb Traktatin e Varshav\u00ebs, apo intervenimi i NATO-s\u00eb kund\u00ebr caqeve ushtarake dhe policore serbe gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, potencialet e Mosk\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u2019iu kund\u00ebrv\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebsaj tendence kan\u00eb qen\u00eb minimale.<\/p>\n

Ky shtet at\u00ebbot\u00eb ndodhej n\u00eb nj\u00eb kolaps me ekonomi t\u00eb rr\u00ebnuar dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje psiko-sociale thell\u00ebsisht depresive, e i varur thuajse plot\u00ebsisht nga asistenca financiare per\u00ebndimore m\u00eb q\u00ebllim t\u00eb mir\u00ebmbajtjes s\u00eb funksioneve bazike administrative shtet\u00ebrore. Mir\u00ebpo, k\u00ebto balanca t\u00eb pushtetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar kan\u00eb ndryshuar n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. Kjo zhvendosje e raportit t\u00eb forcave, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb spikatur ka filluar t\u00eb manifestohet n\u00eb zona periferike.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit kinez\u00eb ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb i kan\u00eb shpallur ambiciet e tyre gjeopolitike dhe gjeo-ekonomike ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb zon\u00ebn e Azi-Paq\u00ebsorit, me synim rivalizimin e pranis\u00eb amerikane. Nd\u00ebrtimi i ishujve artificial\u00eb, fuqizimi i kapaciteteve ushtarake, ushtrimi i presionit mbi Tajvanin, zgjerimi i perimetrit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb nacionale, provokimi koh\u00eb-pas-kohe i anijeve amerikane n\u00eb uj\u00ebrat neutrale, jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm disa nga instrumentet e k\u00ebsaj politike agresive.<\/p>\n

Po ashtu ky shtet ka iniciuar nd\u00ebrtimin e shum\u00eb mekanizmave multilateral\u00eb duke i joshur shum\u00eb shtete tjera q\u00eb t\u00eb gravitojn\u00eb rreth fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb tij ekonomike dhe politike. Q\u00ebllimi \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb sfidohen mekanizmat global q\u00eb jan\u00eb etabluar pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, n\u00eb epiqend\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00eb cilave ka qen\u00eb Uashingtoni. Si pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj strategjie vlen t\u00eb p\u00ebrmenden investimet enorme t\u00eb Pekinit n\u00eb shum\u00eb regjione t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, sikur se rasti i nism\u00ebs: \u201cBrezi dhe Rruga\u201d.<\/p>\n

E t\u00eb mos flasim k\u00ebtu p\u00ebr marr\u00ebveshjen e n\u00ebnshkruar me 27 mars 2021 nd\u00ebrmjet Kin\u00ebs dhe Iranit e cila thuhet se do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb fuqi p\u00ebr 25 vjetet e ardhshme. Kjo marr\u00ebveshje parasheh investime t\u00eb shumanshme n\u00eb Iran. Mir\u00ebpo, si e till\u00eb ajo paraqet nj\u00eb provokim t\u00eb hapur ndaj p\u00ebrcaktimit strategjik amerikan p\u00ebr t\u00eb disiplinuar programin b\u00ebrthamor t\u00eb Iranit me an\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb sanksioneve ekonomike. Pra, nuk ka dyshim se t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebta veprime jan\u00eb shprehje e hapur e projeksioneve kineze p\u00ebr ta dob\u00ebsuar influenc\u00ebn politike, ekonomike dhe diplomatike amerikane.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, krahas Kin\u00ebs kontestimi i parametrave t\u00eb rendit demokratik, ka marr hov edhe n\u00eb kontinentin Evropian. Rusia e Vladimir Putinit, po i manifeston gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb hapur planet e saj revizioniste ndaj k\u00ebtij modeli politik dhe ekonomik. Ish agjenti i KGB-s\u00eb sovjetike nuk ka l\u00ebn\u00eb vend pa p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur lamentin e tij mbi kolapsin e Bashkimit Sovjetik. Madje k\u00ebt\u00eb ngjarje ai e ka definuar si \u201ckatastrof\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe gjeopolitike p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb korrigjimit t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj katrahure dhe kurimit t\u00eb traum\u00ebs kolektive ruse, \u201cCari i ri Rusis\u00eb\u201d e ka inauguruar nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb t\u00eb shumanshme subversive ndaj projekteve per\u00ebndimore. K\u00ebt\u00eb agresion ai po e manifeston n\u00eb dy forma: n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet intervenimeve militare n\u00eb zonat e af\u00ebrta t\u00eb influenc\u00ebs sikurse n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe Gjeorgji, duke i destabilizuar k\u00ebto vende, si dhe n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet sulmeve kibernetike, prodhimit t\u00eb lajmeve t\u00eb rreme, intervenimit n\u00eb procese elektorale n\u00eb vende demokratike, mb\u00ebshtetjes financiare p\u00ebr lider\u00ebt populist\u00eb q\u00eb shp\u00ebrhapin propagand\u00eb ndaj BE-s\u00eb, NATO-s\u00eb etj. Po ashtu, ky shtet \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb protektor t\u00eb Bashar al Asadit n\u00eb Siri, duke e shtrir\u00eb pushtetin edhe n\u00eb Lindje t\u00eb Mesme. Madje ka arritur ta shtrij\u00eb rrezen e veprimit edhe n\u00eb Libi, e t\u00eb mos flasim p\u00ebr raportet shum\u00eb specifike me Tehranin.<\/p>\n

Interferime t\u00eb tilla e kan\u00eb agravuar deri n\u00eb ekstrem gjendjen ne p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme. Trysnia, presioni dhe sulmet ndaj parimeve bazike t\u00eb rendit gjeopolitik n\u00eb at\u00eb rajon jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb intensive se kurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb nga p\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb. Ambiciet dhe synimet e aktor\u00ebve rajonal sikur se ato t\u00eb Iranit, Turqis\u00eb apo Arabis\u00eb Saudite, me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb instalimit t\u00eb hegjemonis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre, jan\u00eb duke i ushqyer konfliktet dhe forcat disruptive rajonale deri n\u00eb ekstrem.<\/p>\n

Po ashtu, shp\u00ebrhapja e vakumit gjeopolitik n\u00eb at\u00eb zon\u00eb nevralgjike, ka krijuar nj\u00eb terren pjellor p\u00ebr lindjen dhe lul\u00ebzimin e entiteteve terroriste me potencial destabiluzes global. ISIS dhe organizatat tjera t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj natyre q\u00eb ushqehen nga doktrinat fanatike teokratike, p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebrin nga episodet e frikshme dhe tmerruese q\u00eb kan\u00eb lindur si rezultat i k\u00ebsaj krize totale.<\/p>\n

Mjerisht k\u00ebto zhvendosje sizmike, debalancime globale dhe acarime nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, jan\u00eb reflektuar edhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb segment tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb jet\u00ebs son\u00eb politike, q\u00eb n\u00ebse vazhdon me k\u00ebt\u00eb intensitet do t\u00eb prodhonte pasoja fatale tragjike n\u00eb jet\u00ebn reale. Sipas autor\u00ebve n\u00eb fjal\u00eb, por duke u bazuar edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebna tjera statistikore, dyshimi, ankthi dhe mosbesimi n\u00eb institucionet dhe vlerat demokratike po b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb dominues.<\/p>\n

Optimizmi mbi progresin e pandalsh\u00ebm t\u00eb k\u00ebtij sistemi politik dhe konstitucional \u00ebsht\u00eb venitur. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ka prapakthim n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim. Ideologjit\u00eb autoritare kan\u00eb gjetur nj\u00eb audienc\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb josh\u00ebse, si p\u00ebr shkak krizave t\u00eb vazhdueshme q\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuar demokracit\u00eb liberale, ashtu edhe agresionit propagandistik dhe manipulimeve ideologjike q\u00eb koh\u00ebt e fundit i kan\u00eb amplifikuar shtetet autoritare.<\/p>\n

Kriza ekonomike financiare, ajo e refugjat\u00ebve, percepcioni kolektiv mbi stagnimin ekonomik p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb efekteve t\u00eb globalizimit, pasiguria sociale, frika e tjet\u00ebrsimit t\u00eb identitet kulturor nga ndikimi i multikulturalizmit, si dhe ankthi mbi tkurrjen e sovranitetit nacional nga presioni i forcave trans-nacionale, e kan\u00eb ushqyer shp\u00ebrthimin e sentimenteve paternaliste, ksenofobike si dhe kan\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb lul\u00ebzimin e l\u00ebvizjeve populiste dhe suksesin elektoral t\u00eb lider\u00ebve autoritar.<\/p>\n

Demokracit\u00eb, sipas studiuesit t\u00eb njohur\u00a0Lerri Diamond<\/a>\u00a0[Larry Diamond] kan\u00eb koh\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb futur n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje recesioni.Kurse p\u00ebr m\u00eb keq, sipas k\u00ebtij teoricieni, \u201cfantazmat q\u00eb aktualisht po sillen v\u00ebrdall\u00eb bot\u00ebs thuajse nuk jan\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb nga viti 1930\u201d. Diktaturat moderne i kan\u00eb sofistikuar instrumentet e dominimit. Q\u00ebllimi i tyre mbetet krijimi i p\u00ebrshtypjes se sundimi i tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehje e vullnetit autentik popullor.<\/p>\n

Brands dhe Edel pohojn\u00eb se niveli i rrezikut ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb ato p\u00ebrmasa, mir\u00ebpo n\u00ebse aktor\u00ebt relevant\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb sillen me at\u00eb neglizhenc\u00eb ndaj k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve dhe presioneve aktuale, sikur kishin b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00ebbot\u00eb protagonist\u00ebt e rendit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, at\u00ebher\u00eb ka gjasa q\u00eb kjo fantazi t\u00eb b\u00ebhet realitet. Sepse, edhe aktualisht, mbrojt\u00ebsit kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij modeli, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr presioneve t\u00eb shum\u00ebfishta q\u00eb jan\u00eb intensifikuar, duken t\u00eb demoralizuar dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb e pa nj\u00eb agjend\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit asnj\u00eb rend, cilido qoft\u00eb ai, nuk kolapson brenda nat\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Ky proces thuajse gjithmon\u00eb zhvillohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb graduale. Ai i p\u00ebrngjason logjik\u00ebs s\u00eb atij personazhit t\u00eb Ernest Heminguejt, kur deklaron se ka falimentuar \u201cgradualisht dhe papritmas\u201d. Prandaj, q\u00eb t\u00eb shmanget nj\u00eb skenar i till\u00eb apokaliptik, autor\u00ebt b\u00ebjn\u00eb thirrje p\u00ebr nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje t\u00eb vendosur q\u00eb n\u00eb fazat fillestare t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, p\u00ebrkushtimi dhe rifuqzimi i bashk\u00ebpunimit t\u00eb vendeve demokratike n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb k\u00ebtij projekti, pas trandjeve dhe animoziteteve q\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuar koh\u00ebn e fundit, duhet t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb imperativ strategjik. Kurse, suksesi n\u00eb implementimin e k\u00ebsaj agjende t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt globale, krahas investimeve ekonomike, shtimit t\u00eb kapaciteteve mbrojt\u00ebse dhe dedikimit t\u00eb pakusht p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e vlerave liberale demokratike, duhet t\u00eb bazohet edhe n\u00eb afirmimin e \u201cimagjinat\u00ebs tragjike dhe rizbulimin e sensiblitetit t\u00eb saj\u201d, e cila mjerisht ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb venitur.<\/p>\n

Rishpikja e \u201csensibilitetit tragjik\u201d<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Ideja se tragjedit\u00eb mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme ishte afirmuar edhe m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb mendimin politik amerikan. K\u00ebshtu, Berri Geven [Barry Gewen] n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cThe Inevitability of Tragedy<\/a>\u201d ka treguar se si nj\u00eb kontribut t\u00eb madh n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim e kishin dh\u00ebn\u00eb Henri Kisinxher, Hans Morgenthau [Hans Morgenthau], Leo Straus [Leo Strauss] dhe Hana Arend [Hannah Arendt]. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebta ishin me orgjin\u00eb hebraike dhe kishin emigruar nga Gjermania drejt Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs pas fitores s\u00eb nazizmit.<\/p>\n

Kjo p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb tragjike nuk u ishte shqitur kurr\u00eb nga mendja dhe i kishte shoq\u00ebruar ata gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb jet\u00ebs. Mir\u00ebpo, p\u00ebr dallim nga ky pasqyrim q\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb fokusohet n\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn biografike t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre figurave t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb diplomacis\u00eb, mendimit strategjik dhe politik amerikan, libri \u201cM\u00ebsimet e Tragjedis\u00eb\u201d bazohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb krijimet dramaturgjike dhe tragjike greke dhe si i till\u00eb m\u00ebton ta transmetoj\u00eb modelin e vet\u00ebdijes dhe sensibilitetit tragjik si nevoj\u00eb e domosdoshme p\u00ebr tu konfrontuar me problemet aktuale globale. Shnd\u00ebrrimin e k\u00ebsaj trash\u00ebgime n\u00eb norm\u00eb dhe inspirim p\u00ebr t\u00eb reflektuar mbi problemet urgjente aktuale si dhe model t\u00eb sjelljes politike.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, si\u00e7 konstatojn\u00eb k\u00ebta dy autor\u00eb, duke u bazuar n\u00eb mesazhet e dramave tragjike, \u201cndjeshm\u00ebria estetike mbi tragjedin\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb identike me pranimin e saj\u201d. Ngase, si\u00e7 na m\u00ebsonin grek\u00ebt antik, \u201cduke u marr me mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e gjith\u00ebpranishme t\u00eb vuajtjes s\u00eb madhe, ndjeshm\u00ebria tragjike mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatis\u00eb dik\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt. Ky dualitet i qen\u00ebsimit njer\u00ebzor \u2013 potenciali i tij edhe p\u00ebr arritje kulmore edhe r\u00ebnie t\u00eb tmerrshme n\u00eb humner\u00eb \u2013 e formonte horizontin kulturor t\u00eb Athin\u00ebs\u201d. Kjo qasje merr nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi primare, sidomos kur dihet fakti se sa \u201cm\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb thellohet distanca nd\u00ebrmjet p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs fondatore tragjike, aq m\u00eb pak kan\u00eb prirje njer\u00ebzit t\u2019i detektojn\u00eb dhe nuhasin burimet reale t\u00eb saj\u201d.<\/p>\n

Angazhimi kund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj tendence \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb domosdoshme m\u00eb shum\u00eb se kurr\u00eb. Amnezia q\u00eb i ka p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb per\u00ebndimore lidhet drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb dukuri. \u00cbsht\u00eb harruar se ky rend \u00ebsht\u00eb etabluar pik\u00ebrisht si rezultat i nj\u00eb p\u00ebrvoje t\u00eb tmerrshme tragjike. Q\u00eb t\u00eb rifitohet kjo ndjeshm\u00ebri autor\u00ebt pohojn\u00eb se duhet filluar me pranimin e \u201ctragjedis\u00eb si fenomen normal, q\u00eb rendet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb fragjile se sa mund t\u00eb kuptohen nga bashk\u00ebkoh\u00ebsit dhe se r\u00ebnia e tyre mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb fatale se v\u00ebzhguesit tyre mund ta parashikojn\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Zaten ky \u00ebsht\u00eb morali bazik i mesazhit tragjik. Si i till\u00eb ai na \u00e7liron nga fantazmagorit\u00eb e siguris\u00eb absolute. Pra, krahas karakterit depresiv mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet inspirues dhe frym\u00ebzues. Sepse, si\u00e7 pohonin grek\u00ebt, \u201csa m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb dikush zhytet n\u00eb iluzionin e pamund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tragjedis\u00eb, aq m\u00eb e mundshme b\u00ebhet ajo\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, duke e p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar k\u00ebt\u00eb bot\u00ebkuptim, njeriu krahas q\u00eb b\u00ebhet i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm mbi rreziqet q\u00eb mund t\u2019i kanosen p\u00ebrs\u00ebri, po ashtu ka mund\u00ebsi ta shmang \u201cvet\u00ebk\u00ebnaq\u00ebsin\u00eb pa r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb fataliz\u00ebm\u201d. Reagimi n\u00eb koh\u00eb po ashtu mbetet nj\u00eb atribut tjet\u00ebr i fuqizimit t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ndjeshm\u00ebrie, apo si\u00e7 ka kujtuar dikur Kryeministri britanik, Uinston \u00c7\u00ebr\u00e7ill [Winston Churchill], nj\u00eb rend \u201cnd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar mund t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb p\u00ebr aq sa respektohen parimet e tij\u201d. Heshtja e shteteve t\u00eb fuqishme kur k\u00ebto principe u kontestuan nga shtetet si Gjermania Naziste apo Italia e Musolinit, vet\u00ebm sa e shtoi apetitin e tyre p\u00ebr ta rr\u00ebnuar at\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, d\u00ebshtimi p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbrojtur k\u00ebto parime, konstatojn\u00eb k\u00ebta dy autor\u00eb, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb Man\u00e7uri n\u00eb vitet 30-ta t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar, apo sot n\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebn apo Detin Jugor t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, praktikisht vet\u00ebm sa do ta inkurajoj\u00eb sfidimin dhe kontestimin k\u00ebtij rendi n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. S\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi, mobilizimi i duhur dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb adekuate ndaj k\u00ebtyre tendencave \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje jetike p\u00ebr mir\u00ebmbajtjen e paqes.<\/p>\n

Kurse \u201csensi i mas\u00ebs, kufizimit, proporcionit duhet ta form\u00ebsoj\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr imperativ t\u00eb vizonit tragjik\u201d. Si\u00e7 kemi pohuar m\u00eb her\u00ebt p\u00ebr grek\u00ebt, \u201chubrisi ishte me pasoja jo m\u00eb pak fatale se sa vet\u00ebk\u00ebnaq\u00ebsia\u201d. Prandaj kufizimi i arroganc\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga virtytet e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme etike q\u00eb na i transmeton kjo krijimtari gjeniale artistike. Nd\u00ebrsa, t\u00eb vepruarit n\u00eb koherenc\u00eb me k\u00ebto postulate do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte nj\u00eb kontribut madhor n\u00eb shmangien e tragjedive reale.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, rikultivimi i k\u00ebsaj fryme ka karakter jetik. Mir\u00ebpo, sipas Brands dhe Edel, n\u00ebse grek\u00ebt antik n\u00eb saj t\u00eb imagjinat\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre brilante i sajonin dhe p\u00ebrdornin tragjedit\u00eb e larg\u00ebta dhe mitike p\u00ebr t\u00eb iluminuar bashk\u00ebkoh\u00ebsit, sot ne kemi nevoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb rifamiljarizohemi me historin\u00eb reale t\u00eb bot\u00ebs son\u00eb p\u00ebr ta zhvilluar k\u00ebt\u00eb sensiblitet.<\/p>\n

Duke investuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb model athinasit e kultivonin kultur\u00ebn politike, q\u00eb ishte nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht \u201ce matur dhe optimiste sepse ata besonin se optimizmi pa maturi mund t\u00eb rezultonte n\u00eb hubris, kurse maturia pa optimiz\u00ebm mund t\u00eb rezultoj\u00eb n\u00eb paraliz\u00eb dhe frik\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u ballafaquar me rreziqet\u201d. Ky ishte nj\u00eb popull q\u00eb teatrin e shnd\u00ebrroi n\u00eb mikrokozmos t\u00eb bot\u00ebs s\u00eb tij.N\u00eb laborator t\u00eb gjall\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Duke u bazuar n\u00eb k\u00ebto p\u00ebrsiatje, Brands dhe Edel, n\u00eb librin e tyre konstatojn\u00eb se pasojat e amnezis\u00eb aktuale duhet t\u00eb korrigjohen ose n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet rip\u00ebrvet\u00ebsimit t\u00eb sensiblitetit tragjik \u2013 para se t\u00eb jet\u00eb von\u00eb \u2013 ose n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet tragjedis\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn reale \u2013 si edhe ka ndodhur shpeshher\u00eb p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb historis\u00eb.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Tronditja e shtyllave t\u00eb rendit liberal Procese t\u00eb tilla dramatike e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb besueshme tez\u00ebn e artikuluar koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb nga studiuesi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, Robert Kagan, n\u00eb librin e tij: \u201cThe Jungle Grows Back\u2013 America and Our Imperiled World\u201d, se sistemi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar hap-pas-hapi po rr\u00ebshqet nga paradigma e \u00ebnd\u00ebrruar e \u201ckopshtit\u201d […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":402,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[2379,2378],"ppma_author":[688,371],"class_list":["post-4658","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-kritike","tag-afrim","tag-tragjedia"],"authors":[{"term_id":688,"user_id":402,"is_guest":0,"slug":"alfred-marleku","display_name":"Alfred Marleku","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Marleku","first_name":"Alfred","description":"Alfred Marleku ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet bachelor, master dhe ato t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenca politike. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin \u201cUBT\u201d, Fakultetin e Shkencave Politike.\r\n\r\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet ka punuar si menaxher i projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb financuara nga Komisioni Evropian, USAID-i, Ambasada Amerikane etj., t\u00eb cilat fokusohen, kryesisht, n\u00eb reformat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim (R&D); kthimin e trurit; zhvillimin e plan-programeve n\u00eb harmoni me nevojat e tregut etj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik si k\u00ebshilltar politik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar."},{"term_id":371,"user_id":377,"is_guest":0,"slug":"afrim-kasolli","display_name":"Afrim Kasolli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Kasolli","first_name":"Afrim","description":"Afrim Kasolli ka studiuar Filozofi-Sociologji. Nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka ligj\u00ebruar l\u00ebnd\u00ebn \u201cHyrje n\u00eb Shkencat Politike n\u00eb Kolegjin Victory\u201d. Ka qen\u00eb deputet i Kuvendit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Merret me shkrime dhe ese filozofike. Sfer\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb tij \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofia politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4658","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/402"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4658"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4658\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12175,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4658\/revisions\/12175"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4658"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4658"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4658"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4658"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}