{"id":4674,"date":"2015-11-11T12:00:48","date_gmt":"2015-11-11T10:00:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4674"},"modified":"2024-11-07T12:04:45","modified_gmt":"2024-11-07T10:04:45","slug":"e-ardhmja-si-kuazi-shtet","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/uncategorized\/e-ardhmja-si-kuazi-shtet\/","title":{"rendered":"E ardhmja si kuazi shtet"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Termi\u00a0\u201ckuazi-shtet\u201d\u00a0vjen nga politikologu Robert Jackson\u00a0i cili e kishte p\u00ebrdor\u00eb\u00a0at\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr t\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrshkruar zona q\u00eb\u00a0nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht njihen si shtete sovrane por q\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0esenc\u00eb\u00a0paraqesin territore t\u00eb\u00a0paqeverisura. Kuazi-shtetet kan\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0gjitha atributet e jashtme t\u00eb\u00a0shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb \u2013\u00a0g\u00ebzojn\u00eb\u00a0njohje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nga shtetet tjera, z\u00ebn\u00eb\u00a0ul\u00ebse n\u00eb\u00a0OKB dhe organizata t\u00eb\u00a0ndryshme nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, si dhe mbajn\u00eb\u00a0marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie diplomatike me shtete t\u00eb\u00a0jashtme (p.sh., duke qen\u00eb\u00a0nikoqir t\u00eb\u00a0ambasadave t\u00eb\u00a0shteteve t\u00eb\u00a0tjera). Mir\u00ebpo, brenda territorit, qeveria e vendit nuk g\u00ebzon sovranitet, ajo nuk ushtron pushtet n\u00eb\u00a0gjith\u00eb\u00a0territorin e saj si pasoj\u00eb\u00a0e dob\u00ebsive administrative t\u00eb\u00a0qeveris\u00eb\u00a0apo edhe t\u00eb\u00a0konflikteve t\u00eb\u00a0brendshme (qoft\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0karakterit\u00a0\u201cetnik\u201d, qoft\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0fraksionalizimit politik e territorial t\u00eb\u00a0vendit).<\/p>\n

Jackson, n\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrdorimin e termit kuazi-shtet kishte parasysh vende t\u00eb\u00a0subsaharas\u00eb\u00a0afrikane si Somalia, Liberia, Kongoja etj. q\u00eb\u00a0ndon\u00ebse ekzistonin dhe ekzistojn\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0hart\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si shtete sovrane, nuk qeveris\u00ebn si t\u00eb\u00a0tilla shkaku i luft\u00ebrave civile, qeverive joefektive dhe ndarjeve t\u00eb\u00a0tjera t\u00eb\u00a0thella politiko-territoriale. Shikuar nga jasht\u00eb, k\u00ebto vende jan\u00eb\u00a0shtete sovrane; shikuar nga brenda jan\u00eb\u00a0shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb\u00a0ndara e t\u00eb\u00a0cop\u00ebtuara pa qend\u00ebr vendos\u00ebse (sovrane) politike e juridike.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb\u00a0rastin ton\u00eb, kemi t\u00eb\u00a0b\u00ebjm\u00eb\u00a0me t\u00eb\u00a0kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn e kuazi-shtetit t\u00eb\u00a0Jackson-it. Kuazi-shteti jon\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0(kryesisht)\u00a0i qeversissh\u00ebm nga brenda por nuk g\u00ebzon t\u00eb\u00a0gjitha atributet e jashtme t\u00eb\u00a0shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0sovrane. Dhe Kosova nuk\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0i vetmi rast i nj\u00eb\u00a0kuazi-shteti t\u00eb\u00a0till\u00eb: rasti m\u00eb\u00a0i njohur\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0ai i Tajvanit, i themeluar nga Kuomitangu kinez m\u00eb\u00a01947 pas t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb\u00a0tyre n\u00eb\u00a0k\u00ebt\u00eb\u00a0ishull gjat\u00eb\u00a0luft\u00ebs civile t\u00eb\u00a0Kin\u00ebs. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb\u00a0koh\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0gjat\u00eb, Tajvani pretendoi t\u00eb\u00a0jet\u00eb\u00a0trash\u00ebgimtari legjitim i Kin\u00ebs, p\u00ebr\u00a0\u00e7far\u00eb\u00a0zyrtarisht njihet edhe si\u00a0\u201cRepublika e Kin\u00ebs\u201d\u00a0dhe nj\u00eb\u00a0koh\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0gjat\u00eb\u00a0edhe mbajti pozit\u00ebn p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese t\u00eb\u00a0Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb\u00a0OKB. Presioni i Republik\u00ebs Popullore t\u00eb\u00a0Kin\u00ebs (RPK) b\u00ebri q\u00eb\u00a0m\u00eb\u00a01971, Tajvanit t\u2019i hiqet p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi nga OKB-ja dhe q\u00eb\u00a0ket\u00eb\u00a0pozicion ta z\u00ebj\u00eb\u00a0RPK-ja (ironikisht, me nj\u00eb\u00a0rezolut\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0Asambles\u00eb\u00a0s\u00eb\u00a0P\u00ebrgithshme me sponsor Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb). N\u00eb\u00a0k\u00ebt\u00eb\u00a0pik\u00eb\u00a0kishte l\u00ebshuar pe edhe aleati m\u00eb\u00a0i ngusht\u00eb\u00a0i Tajvanit, SHBA-t\u00eb, pasi q\u00eb\u00a0tashm\u00eb\u00a0kishte ndodhur prishja sino-sovjetike dhe SHBA-ja kishte interes q\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0kultivonte marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me RPK-n\u00eb\u00a0edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb\u00a0synimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb\u00a0sa m\u00eb\u00a0tep\u00ebr kampin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar socialist.<\/p>\n

Tajvani sot nuk g\u00ebzon prezenc\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0shumic\u00ebn e organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ndon\u00ebse ekziston si shtet sovran n\u00eb\u00a0aspektin e qeverisjes s\u00eb\u00a0brendshme. Raste t\u00eb\u00a0tjera kemi edhe n\u00eb\u00a0bot\u00ebn post-sovjetike: Transnistria, Abkhazia, Osetia Jugore e Nagorno-Karabak, territore me qeveri autonome (dhe t\u00eb\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetura nga Moska), t\u00eb\u00a0konsideruara si territore secesioniste nga vendet am\u00eb\u00a0(p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht Moldova, Gjeorgjia dhe Azerbajxhani) por q\u00eb\u00a0nuk g\u00ebzojn\u00eb\u00a0njohje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Krahasimisht, Kosova q\u00ebndron m\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0mir\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0planin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar se k\u00ebto territore t\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrmendura. Tajvani sot njihet nga vet\u00ebm 22 shtete. Republikat ish-sovjetike njihen nga Moska, dhe at\u00eb\u00a0shpesh jozyrtarisht, dhe nga ndonj\u00eb\u00a0aleat i Mosk\u00ebs, por nuk g\u00ebzojn\u00eb\u00a0njohje t\u00eb\u00a0gjer\u00eb. Kjo rrjedh pjes\u00ebrisht nga nj\u00eb\u00a0fakt gjeopolitik: pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb\u00a0e Kosov\u00ebs e mb\u00ebshteten SHBA-t\u00eb, shtetet kryesore t\u00eb\u00a0Evrop\u00ebs dhe aleat\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb\u00a0tyre.Pavar\u00ebsia e Kosov\u00ebs gjithashtu rrodhi nga nj\u00eb\u00a0proces i sponsorizuar nga OKB-ja, ndon\u00ebse rekomandimi i t\u00eb\u00a0d\u00ebrguarit special t\u00eb\u00a0Sekretarit t\u00eb\u00a0P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm t\u00eb\u00a0OKB-s\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi (t\u00eb\u00a0mbik\u00ebqyrur) nuk mori bekimin e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb\u00a0Sigurimit t\u00eb\u00a0OKB-s\u00eb.\u00a0Kosova\u00a0gjithashtu\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0an\u00ebtare e Fondit Monetar Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (FMN) dhe Bank\u00ebs Bot\u00ebrore, privilegj q\u00eb\u00a0k\u00ebto vende nuk e g\u00ebzojn\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, si n\u00eb\u00a0rastin e kuazi-shteteve t\u00eb\u00a0tjera, gjendja e kuazi-shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0paraqet penges\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr veprimin e plot\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0nj\u00eb\u00a0entiteti n\u00eb\u00a0rrafshin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Dhe, d\u00ebshtimet dhe kompromiset q\u00eb\u00a0i pam\u00eb\u00a0si n\u00eb\u00a0rastin e Marr\u00ebveshjes\u00a0Stabilizim\u00a0Asociim (MSA) me BE-n\u00eb, si me d\u00ebshtimin e vot\u00ebs p\u00ebr pranim n\u00eb\u00a0UNESCO, nxjerrin n\u00eb\u00a0pah, n\u00eb\u00a0m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb\u00a0ndryshme, akomodimit q\u00eb\u00a0po i b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb\u00a0e m\u00eb\u00a0shum\u00eb\u00a0realitetit t\u00eb\u00a0kuazi-shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0si nga Prishtina zyrtare ashtu dhe nga sponsor\u00ebt e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0s\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs. Me nj\u00eb\u00a0fjal\u00eb, nga di\u00e7ka q\u00eb\u00a0shihej si gjendje tranzitore deri n\u00eb\u00a0konsolidimin e plot\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0subjektivitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, kuazi-shtet\u00ebsia e Kosov\u00ebs po p\u00ebrfiton ve\u00e7ori t\u00eb\u00a0permanenc\u00ebs, nj\u00eb\u00a0fakt politik i cili duhet t\u00eb\u00a0akomodohet edhe juridikisht dhe n\u00eb\u00a0rrafshin e funksionalizimit praktik t\u00eb\u00a0marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb\u00a0jashtme t\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs me pal\u00ebt tjera.<\/p>\n

E para, p\u00ebr n\u00ebnshkrimin e MSA-s\u00eb, BE-ja u desh t\u00eb\u00a0b\u00ebnte akrobacione juridike q\u00eb\u00a0ndryshuan karakterin e MSA-s\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0kuptimin q\u00eb\u00a0pala n\u00ebnshkruese, pra Kosova, nuk e b\u00ebri k\u00ebt\u00eb\u00a0si shtet i pavarur, por si nj\u00eb\u00a0pal\u00eb\u00a0juridike (jo-shtet\u00ebrore). Kjo gjuh\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrfshihet edhe n\u00eb\u00a0vet\u00eb\u00a0dokumentin i cili precizon se Kosova nuk njihet nga t\u00eb\u00a0gjitha vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb\u00a0BE-s\u00eb\u00a0(me\u00a0\u00e7ka edhe u anashkaluan procedurat e zakonshme ku MSA-ja miratohet ve\u00e7\u00a0e ve\u00e7\u00a0nga t\u00eb\u00a0gjitha shtetet an\u00ebtare).<\/p>\n

E dyta, d\u00ebshtimi i vot\u00ebs s\u00eb\u00a0pranimit n\u00eb\u00a0UNESCO gjithashtu d\u00ebshmoi s\u00ebrish problemin e kuazi-shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0kuptimin e mosarritjes s\u00eb\u00a0koncenzusit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr trajtimin e Kosov\u00ebs si nj\u00eb\u00a0shtet t\u00eb\u00a0pavarur. Ndon\u00ebse baza e njohjeve\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0rritur nga viti 2008 (n\u00eb\u00a0kuptimin sasior), ajo megjithat\u00eb\u00a0nuk ka ndryshuar n\u00eb\u00a0kampet q\u00eb\u00a0kan\u00eb\u00a0vazhduar t\u00eb\u00a0mbajn\u00eb\u00a0q\u00ebndrim kund\u00ebshtues ndaj pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0s\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs: jo vet\u00ebm Serbis\u00eb\u00a0dhe Rusis\u00eb, por edhe fuqive regjionale si Kina, India.\u00a0Brazili\u00a0dhe shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb\u00a0shteteve latinoamerikane.<\/p>\n

Ndon\u00ebse kuazi-shtet\u00ebsia n\u00eb\u00a0munges\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0k\u00ebtij koncenzusi (i cili nuk duket i arrish\u00ebm n\u00eb\u00a0nj\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0ardhme t\u00eb\u00a0af\u00ebrt) dometh\u00ebn\u00eb\u00a0se Kosova megjithat\u00eb\u00a0do t\u00eb\u00a0vazhdoj\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0ngelet jasht\u00eb\u00a0shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb\u00a0organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare (p\u00ebrfshi OKB-s\u00eb), kuazi-shtet\u00ebsia, sidomos n\u00eb\u00a0raport me vendet e BE-s\u00eb, tashm\u00eb\u00a0po stabilizohet (ose, shprehur n\u00eb\u00a0gjuh\u00ebn e negociatave t\u00eb\u00a0Brukselit,\u00a0\u201cnormalizohet\u201d). N\u00ebnshkrimi i MSA-s\u00eb\u00a0nuk\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0thjesht marr\u00ebveshje kontraktuale me BE-n\u00eb\u00a0q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0e barazvlefshme me\u00a0\u00e7do MSA tjet\u00ebr por baz\u00eb\u00a0dhe precendent p\u00ebr nj\u00eb\u00a0baz\u00eb\u00a0juridike p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet q\u00eb\u00a0Kosova do t\u2019i nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb\u00a0me BE-n\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr shum\u00eb\u00a0vite. BE-ja tashm\u00eb\u00a0e ka njohur Kosov\u00ebn si kuazi-shtet. Fusnota e famshme, e arritur p\u00ebrmes dialogut me Brukselin, q\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebn e p\u00ebrshkruan si territor t\u00eb\u00a0kontestuar (sipas Rezolut\u00ebs 1244), n\u00eb\u00a0k\u00ebt\u00eb\u00a0prizm\u00eb\u00a0duhet t\u00eb\u00a0konsiderohet sa nj\u00eb\u00a0l\u00ebshim i Prishtin\u00ebs ndaj Beogradit po aq edhe nj\u00eb\u00a0kompromis i brendsh\u00ebm i BE-s\u00eb\u00a0me shtetet q\u00eb\u00a0nuk e njohin Kosov\u00ebn p\u00ebr ta akomoduar kuazi-shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb\u00a0e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb\u00a0raport me integrimet evropiane. Se a do t\u00eb\u00a0integrohet Kosova si an\u00ebtare plot\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0BE n\u00ebn k\u00ebto kushte\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0nj\u00eb\u00a0pik\u00ebpyetje e madhe (sepse BE-ja\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb, n\u00eb\u00a0thelb, nj\u00eb\u00a0bashk\u00ebsi shtetesh sovrane) dhe n\u00ebse ndodh ky integrim, ai do t\u00eb\u00a0ndodh sipas mekanizmave dhe parametrave juridik\u00eb\u00a0e politik\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0tjer\u00eb\u00a0nga ato q\u00eb\u00a0vlejn\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebt tjer\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0BE-s\u00eb, pra nj\u00eb\u00a0integrim\u00a0sui generis\u00a0i nj\u00eb\u00a0kuazi-shteti n\u00eb\u00a0k\u00ebt\u00eb\u00a0entitet multilateral.<\/p>\n

Edhe rasti i UNESCO-s v\u00ebrteton se as shtetet sponsore t\u00eb\u00a0pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0s\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs nuk jan\u00eb\u00a0m\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0gatshme t\u00eb\u00a0shpenzojn\u00eb\u00a0kapitalin e tyre politik e diplomatik p\u00ebr t\u00eb\u00a0shtyr\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrpara njohjet e Kosov\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebr ta afirmuar Kosov\u00ebn si entitet t\u00eb\u00a0plot\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare edhe, n\u00ebse\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0nevoja, me kusht\u00ebzime ndaj shteteve kund\u00ebrshtare. P.sh.,\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0e paimagjinueshme se po t\u00eb\u00a0ishte n\u00eb\u00a0interesin e Gjermanis\u00eb, Berlini nuk do t\u00eb\u00a0mund t\u00eb\u00a0b\u00ebnte presion mbi Sllovakin\u00eb\u00a0q\u00eb\u00a0ta njoh Kosov\u00ebn (duke qen\u00eb\u00a0se ekonomia sllovake gati t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht dominohet nga investimet gjermane). Apo se SHBA-t\u00eb\u00a0nuk mund ta b\u00ebnin nj\u00eb\u00a0gj\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0till\u00eb\u00a0kundrejt fqinjit t\u00eb\u00a0tyre jugor, Meksikos. Apo se SHBA-t\u00eb\u00a0do t\u00eb\u00a0lejonin q\u00eb\u00a0edhe nj\u00eb\u00a0vend si Polonia, kaq e varur q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0SHBA-n\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e tij nga k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi rus, do t\u00eb\u00a0mund aq kollaj t\u00eb\u00a0mos e hedh\u00eb\u00a0vot\u00ebn p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb\u00a0UNESCO pa paguar asnj\u00eb \u00e7mim. Madje edhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesi amerikan n\u00eb\u00a0UNESCO, n\u00eb\u00a0fjalimin e tij, nuk insistoi n\u00eb\u00a0pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb\u00a0e plot\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs, por k\u00ebrkoi q\u00eb\u00a0an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi t\u00eb\u00a0mund\u00ebsohet duke u thirr\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0Rezolut\u00ebn 1244 dhe n\u00eb\u00a0precedentin e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb\u00a0Bank\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore. Madje, niveli i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit n\u00eb\u00a0UNESCO ishte t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht i ndrysh\u00ebm: SHBA-t\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0UNESCO d\u00ebrguan z\u00ebvend\u00ebs-sekretarin e shtetit Antony Blinken; Rusia nd\u00ebrkaq p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohej nga ministri i Jasht\u00ebm Sergei Lavrov. Krejt kjo d\u00ebshmon p\u00ebr prioritetin e ult\u00eb\u00a0q\u00eb\u00a0ka afirmimi i shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0s\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb\u00a0planin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb\u00a0mesin e sponsor\u00ebve kryesor\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, nga vet\u00eb\u00a0fakti se nj\u00eb\u00a0strategji e till\u00eb\u00a0niset n\u00eb\u00a0organizata dyt\u00ebsore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si UNESCO dhe ITU, e jo p.sh. n\u00eb\u00a0forumin kryesor nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, Asamblen\u00eb\u00a0e P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb\u00a0OKB-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Me nj\u00eb\u00a0fjal\u00eb, ndon\u00ebse UNESCO\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0d\u00ebshmia e fundit e k\u00ebsaj,\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0e qart\u00eb\u00a0se gatishm\u00ebria e shteteve sponsore, p\u00ebrfshi SHBA-n\u00eb\u00a0dhe shtetet evropiane, q\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrdorin t\u00eb\u00a0gjitha mjetet q\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0b\u00ebjn\u00eb\u00a0presion mbi shtetet q\u00eb\u00a0nuk e njohin Kosov\u00ebn,\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0e ult\u00eb\u00a0dhe ka qen\u00eb\u00a0e ult\u00eb\u00a0tash e sa vite.<\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebto realitete nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, disa nga polemikat dhe debatet q\u00eb\u00a0b\u00ebhen rreth Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb\u00a0raport me BE-n\u00eb, n\u00eb\u00a0raport me njohjen si entitet i plot\u00eb\u00a0nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe n\u00eb\u00a0raport me an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb\u00a0organizatat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, duken t\u00eb\u00a0shtruara gabim. Deri m\u00eb\u00a0tani, premisa e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb\u00a0jashtme t\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs, n\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0cil\u00ebn mund t\u00eb\u00a0thuhet se ekziston nj\u00eb\u00a0koncenzus i heshtur,\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0se njohja e Kosov\u00ebs\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0nj\u00eb\u00a0proces linear, gati sasior, q\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0fund do t\u00eb\u00a0kuror\u00ebzohet me pranimin e Kosov\u00ebs si an\u00ebtare e plot\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0OKB. N\u00eb\u00a0fakt, kontinuiteti i k\u00ebtij skenari\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0prishur tash e sa vite. Ky proces nisi me t\u00eb\u00a0ashtuquajturat Gjasht\u00eb\u00a0Pikat e Ban Ki Mun-it, q\u00eb\u00a0Prishtina e rezistoi me sukses, por q\u00eb\u00a0mori kahje tjet\u00ebr m\u00eb\u00a02013, kur Kosova nisi negociatat me Serbin\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr fusnot\u00ebn, q\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrfundimisht vulosi stabilizimin juridik t\u00eb\u00a0kuazi-shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0kosovare n\u00eb\u00a0raport me BE-n\u00eb\u00a0(dhe rrjedhimisht me gjith\u00eb\u00a0bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb\u00a0e shteteve evropiane), por si pasoj\u00eb\u00a0edhe n\u00eb\u00a0raport me organizatat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si pasoj\u00eb\u00a0e riaktualizimit t\u00eb\u00a0Rezolut\u00ebs 1244 n\u00eb\u00a0definimin e statusit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs (n\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0cil\u00ebn thirren edhe kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0s\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs, n\u00eb\u00a0radh\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0par\u00eb\u00a0vet\u00eb\u00a0Serbia).<\/p>\n

Si pasoj\u00eb, Kosova tashm\u00eb\u00a0nuk\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0proces t\u00eb\u00a0konsolidimit t\u00eb\u00a0shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0s\u00eb\u00a0saj nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, por t\u00eb\u00a0akomodimit juridik, politik e praktik t\u00eb\u00a0kuazi-shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb. Kjo nuk\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0nj\u00eb\u00a0gjendje e p\u00ebrkohshme por nj\u00eb\u00a0situat\u00eb\u00a0afatgjat\u00eb\u00a0me t\u00eb\u00a0cil\u00ebn duhet t\u00eb\u00a0ballafaqohet jo vet\u00ebm lidershipi aktual i Kosov\u00ebs por edhe lidershipet e ardhshme.<\/p>\n

Kjo gjendje k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb\u00a0qasje tjet\u00ebr dhe p\u00ebrballje me realitetin se Kosova nuk do t\u00eb\u00a0njihet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb\u00a0koh\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0gjat\u00eb, e ndoshta p\u00ebr shum\u00eb\u00a0vite e dekada, si nj\u00eb\u00a0an\u00ebtar i plot\u00eb\u00a0i bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. K\u00ebtu nuk\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0vendi p\u00ebr shtjellime t\u00eb\u00a0gjata, por disa riorientime strategjike q\u00eb\u00a0rrjedhin nga kjo jan\u00eb:<\/p>\n

\u2022\u00a0Thellimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve bilaterale me vendet q\u00eb\u00a0njohin Kosov\u00ebn, duke filluar nga shtetet e Quintit por duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb\u00a0edhe vendet jo-evropiane. Kjo mund b\u00ebhet sidomos me traktatet bilerale t\u00eb\u00a0investimeve dhe thellimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve ekonomike. Kosova\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0shum\u00eb\u00a0e mang\u00ebt n\u00eb\u00a0numrin e traktateve bileraterale t\u00eb\u00a0investimeve q\u00eb\u00a0ka me shtetet q\u00eb\u00a0e njohin.<\/p>\n

\u2022\u00a0P\u00ebrforcimi i elementeve t\u00eb\u00a0brendshme t\u00eb\u00a0shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb\u00a0themelimin e nj\u00eb\u00a0ushtrie t\u00eb\u00a0rregullt dhe forcimin e kapaciteteve t\u00eb\u00a0vet\u00ebmbrojtjes;<\/p>\n

\u2022\u00a0Bllokimin e plot\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0nismave politike t\u00eb\u00a0Beogradit n\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00eb, p\u00ebrderisa Beogradi vazhdon t\u00eb\u00a0mbaj\u00eb\u00a0q\u00ebndrim armiq\u00ebsor ndaj Kosov\u00ebs (dhe pavar\u00ebsisht interesave evropiane p\u00ebr kultivimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Serbin\u00eb), p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb\u00a0edhe mund\u00ebsin\u00eb\u00a0e pezullimit t\u00eb\u00a0bisedimeve me Beogradin deri n\u00eb\u00a0momentin kur Beogradi demonstron shprehje t\u00eb\u00a0vullnetit t\u00eb\u00a0mir\u00eb\u00a0ndaj Kosov\u00ebs (p.sh., duke mos penguar an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e saj n\u00eb\u00a0organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare).<\/p>\n

\u2022\u00a0Kujdesi q\u00eb\u00a0gjendja e kuazi-shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0mos paraqitet si penges\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb\u00a0ekonomin\u00eb\u00a0evropiane e bot\u00ebrore, duke hapur mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr thithjen e fondeve t\u00eb\u00a0BE-s\u00eb\u00a0dhe t\u00eb\u00a0mekanizmave t\u00eb\u00a0tjer\u00eb\u00a0nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (si\u00e7\u00a0u b\u00eb\u00a0me MSA-n\u00eb\u00a0dhe BERZH-in);<\/p>\n

\u2022\u00a0Ndjekjen e nj\u00eb\u00a0politike t\u00eb\u00a0jashtme e cila synon vendosjen e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me shtetet t\u00eb\u00a0treta q\u00eb\u00a0nuk e njohin pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb\u00a0e Kosov\u00ebs, si\u00e7\u00a0jan\u00eb\u00a0India, Brazili dhe Kina. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb\u00a0do t\u00eb\u00a0synohej prishja e koalicionit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar kund\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebs, q\u00eb\u00a0prihet nga Rusia, si dhe shmagia e imazhit t\u00eb\u00a0Kosov\u00ebs si nj\u00eb\u00a0entitet artificial t\u00eb\u00a0krijuar me intervenim ushtarak nga SHBA-t\u00eb\u00a0(perceptim i cili ekziston n\u00eb\u00a0nj\u00eb\u00a0pjes\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0madhe t\u00eb\u00a0bot\u00ebs). N\u00eb\u00a0k\u00ebto nisma do t\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrfshihej edhe hapja e kanaleve diplomatike me Mosk\u00ebn, q\u00eb, ndon\u00ebse nuk kan\u00eb\u00a0gjasa t\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0njohje nga Moska,\u00a0\u00e7elin kanale komunikimi dhe eliminojn\u00eb\u00a0perceptimet e gabuara dypal\u00ebshe mbi synimet dhe interesat e dy vendeve. K\u00ebto nisma Kosova duhet t\u2019i nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb\u00a0vet\u00eb\u00a0pa pritur q\u00eb\u00a0iniciativa t\u00eb\u00a0vij\u00eb\u00a0nga shtetet sponsore, por duke k\u00ebrkuar mb\u00ebshtetjen e tyre diplomatike e infrastrukturore, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb\u00a0edhe rrjetin diplomatik t\u00eb\u00a0Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb\u00a0Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

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  Termi\u00a0\u201ckuazi-shtet\u201d\u00a0vjen nga politikologu Robert Jackson\u00a0i cili e kishte p\u00ebrdor\u00eb\u00a0at\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr t\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrshkruar zona q\u00eb\u00a0nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht njihen si shtete sovrane por q\u00eb\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0esenc\u00eb\u00a0paraqesin territore t\u00eb\u00a0paqeverisura. Kuazi-shtetet kan\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0gjitha atributet e jashtme t\u00eb\u00a0shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb \u2013\u00a0g\u00ebzojn\u00eb\u00a0njohje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nga shtetet tjera, z\u00ebn\u00eb\u00a0ul\u00ebse n\u00eb\u00a0OKB dhe organizata t\u00eb\u00a0ndryshme nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, si dhe mbajn\u00eb\u00a0marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie diplomatike me shtete t\u00eb\u00a0jashtme (p.sh., duke qen\u00eb\u00a0nikoqir t\u00eb\u00a0ambasadave t\u00eb\u00a0shteteve t\u00eb\u00a0tjera). Mir\u00ebpo, brenda territorit, qeveria […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":49,"featured_media":9774,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[11,1699],"ppma_author":[59],"class_list":["post-4674","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-kosova","tag-kuazi-shtet"],"authors":[{"term_id":59,"user_id":49,"is_guest":0,"slug":"besnik-pula","display_name":"Besnik Pula","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1516241920287.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1516241920287.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Pula","first_name":"Besnik","description":"Besnik Pula specializon n\u00eb Ekonomi Politike dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb profesor-asistent n\u00eb Departamentin e Shkenc\u00ebs Politike n\u00eb Universitetin Virginia Tech n\u00eb ShBA. Besniku ka doktoruar n\u00eb Sociologji n\u00eb Universitetin e Mi\u00e7igenit. Shkruan kryesisht p\u00ebr politikat zhvillimore, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet sociale dhe ekonomike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4674","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/49"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4674"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4674\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9775,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4674\/revisions\/9775"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9774"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4674"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4674"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4674"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4674"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}