{"id":4711,"date":"2021-04-30T14:25:54","date_gmt":"2021-04-30T12:25:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4711"},"modified":"2025-01-17T14:30:30","modified_gmt":"2025-01-17T12:30:30","slug":"demokracia-ne-pozicion-mbrojtes-pjesa-i","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/demokracia-ne-pozicion-mbrojtes-pjesa-i\/","title":{"rendered":"Demokracia n\u00eb pozicion mbrojt\u00ebs (pjesa I)"},"content":{"rendered":"
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P\u00ebrmbysja e trendit autoritar.<\/em><\/p>\n

Pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, dukej sikur demokracia kishte ngadh\u00ebnjyer. Megjithat\u00eb, ai optimiz\u00ebm i pal\u00ebkundur ishte i pavend. N\u00eb retrospektiv\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se ishte naive t\u00eb mendohej se demokracia do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahet n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb cepat e bot\u00ebs. Kthesa autoritare e viteve t\u00eb fundit pasqyron t\u00eb metat dhe d\u00ebshtimet e sistemeve demokratike.<\/p>\n

Shumica e analizave p\u00ebr gjendjen e brisht\u00eb t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore fillojn\u00eb me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshkrim t\u00eb ngjajsh\u00ebm. Nuk jan\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pasakta, por ato l\u00ebn\u00eb jasht\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb tablos\u00eb. Historia e dy dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht histori e dob\u00ebsis\u00eb demokratike; ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu histori e fuqis\u00eb autoritare.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb prej viteve 1990, regjimet autokratike kan\u00eb p\u00ebrparuar n\u00eb aspekt t\u00eb performanc\u00ebs ekonomike dhe forc\u00ebs ushtarake. Diktator\u00ebt kan\u00eb m\u00ebsuar si t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin veglat digjitale p\u00ebr t\u00eb shtypur l\u00ebvizjet opozitare n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb sofistikuara. I kan\u00eb mposhtur fushatat demokratike q\u00eb dikur dukeshin premtuese, kan\u00eb sht\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb vendet q\u00eb dukeshin se po b\u00ebheshin m\u00eb demokratike, dhe kan\u00eb rritur tej mase ndikimin e tyre nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. \u00c7far\u00eb ka par\u00eb bota \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak zmbrapsje demokratike se ringritje autoritare. Autokrat\u00ebt jan\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar kaher\u00eb n\u00eb mbijetes\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa tash jan\u00eb n\u00eb sulm. Dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebt e ardhsh\u00ebm do t\u00eb nxjerrin n\u00eb pah nj\u00eb gar\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb e t\u00eb st\u00ebrzgjatur mes demokracis\u00eb dhe diktatur\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Rezultati i k\u00ebsaj gare nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i paracaktuar. Q\u00eb t\u00eb triumfojn\u00eb, Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe aleat\u00ebt e saj demokratik\u00eb duhet t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e k\u00ebtij momenti historik dhe t\u00eb punojn\u00eb s\u00eb bashku p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur demokracin\u00eb globale n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb kreative dhe t\u00eb guximshme se sa q\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn. Gjithashtu, do t\u00eb duhen t\u00eb zgjidhin dilem\u00ebn e krijuar nga tensioni mes dy q\u00ebllimeve thelb\u00ebsore: frenimin e p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsimit p\u00ebrbrenda radh\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, si dhe ruajtjen e nj\u00eb fronti t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt kundrejt regjimeve autoritare si ato n\u00eb Kin\u00eb dhe Rusi, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. Th\u00ebn\u00eb tro\u00e7, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtohen qeverit\u00eb antidemokratike n\u00eb vendet ku p\u00ebrkrahja e t\u00eb cilave \u00ebsht\u00eb ky\u00e7e p\u00ebr t\u00eb ballafaquar autoritar\u00ebt ul\u00ebrit\u00ebs, e gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb kategorik\u00eb. T\u00eb zgjidhurit e k\u00ebsaj dileme k\u00ebrkon qasje t\u00eb men\u00e7ur q\u00eb ruan mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e bashk\u00ebpunimit me vendet q\u00eb kan\u00eb praktika t\u00eb diskutueshme demokratike, por q\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb mbajn\u00eb partneritete t\u00eb ngushta me aleat\u00ebt e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb demokratik\u00eb. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb gjithashtu braktisje e \u201cpromovimit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb \u201cmbrojtjes s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb\u201d \u2013 duke u p\u00ebrpjekur q\u00eb t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb, n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb zgjeroj\u00eb, bot\u00ebn demokratike.<\/p>\n

Autoritar\u00ebt marshojn\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mandati i Donald Trump-it n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb hodhi n\u00eb dyshim at\u00eb se cil\u00ebn an\u00eb do t\u00eb mbanin Shtetet e Bashkuara n\u00eb konfliktin mes demokracis\u00eb dhe diktatur\u00ebs. Madje para vitit 2016, Uashingtoni mb\u00ebshteti rregullisht qeverit\u00eb autokratike at\u00ebher\u00eb kur prospektet e gjetjes s\u00eb aleat\u00ebve demokratik\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi strategjike dukeshin t\u00eb zymta. Megjithat\u00eb, kat\u00ebr vitet e fundit sh\u00ebnuan her\u00ebn e par\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb president amerikan dukej se vler\u00ebsonte haptas diktaturat m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa demokracit\u00eb dhe i cili u dha zem\u00ebr forcave autokratike p\u00ebrbrenda aleat\u00ebve demokratik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Trump e vuri n\u00eb\u00a0pik\u00ebpyetje<\/a>\u00a0d\u00ebshirueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e NATO-s. Ai refuzoi p\u00ebrs\u00ebri e p\u00ebrs\u00ebri t\u00eb d\u00ebnonte p\u00ebrpjekjet autokratike p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet demokratike, vrasjen e disident\u00ebve n\u00eb tok\u00eb t\u00eb huaj, apo ofrimin e shp\u00ebrblimeve p\u00ebr kokat e ushtar\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb. Ai shprehu adhurim p\u00ebr diktator\u00eb si Vladimir Putin i Rusis\u00eb, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi i Egjiptit, dhe Kim Jong Un i Kores\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut, edhe pse k\u00ebta dhe vendet e tyre kan\u00eb fare pak gj\u00ebra t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta n\u00eb aspektin ideologjik apo t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb gjeopolitike.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb koh\u00ebn e Trump-it, Shtetet e Bashkuara gjithashtu promovuan forcat ekstremiste brenda vendeve t\u00eb tjera demokratike. N\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb me median e ekstremit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb\u00a0Breitbart<\/em>, ish ambasadori amerikan n\u00eb Gjermani Richard Grenell la t\u00eb kuptohet se ishte orvatur t\u00eb \u201cfuqizonte\u201d l\u00ebvizjet populliste rreth e qark Europ\u00ebs. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, ambasadori amerikan n\u00eb Holand\u00eb, Pete Hoekstra, mbajti takime private n\u00eb ambasad\u00ebn amerikane me an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb partie politike ekstremiste holandeze dhe donator\u00ebt e saj. N\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, vet\u00eb Trumpi mir\u00ebpriti n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb nj\u00eb varg popullist\u00ebsh autoritar\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshi kryeministrin hungarez Viktor Orban dhe kryeministrin Indian Narendra Modi.<\/p>\n

Th\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb diplomatike, gjat\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb Trump-it, ShBA-t\u00eb pushuan s\u00eb qeni e ashtuquajtura lidere e bot\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb. Th\u00ebn\u00eb tro\u00e7 fare, pjes\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb Trump-it, n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb dezertuan te kampi autokrat.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqe, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e moderuar t\u00eb demokracive t\u00eb fuqishme n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb dhe gjetk\u00eb kan\u00eb shum\u00eb pak t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta me Trump-in. Pak dashuri u tret mes tij dhe presidentit francez Emmanuel Macron, apo kancelares gjermane Angela Merkel. Por, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr p\u00ebrkrahjes s\u00eb supozuar t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre lider\u00ebve evropian\u00eb p\u00ebr vlerat demokratike dhe fjalimet e tyre elegante n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, veprimet e tyre faktike kan\u00eb ndihmuar dhe mb\u00ebshtetur vazhdimisht forcat e autokracis\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kur Merkel kishte telashe me dyndjen e madhe t\u00eb refugjat\u00ebve nga Lindja e Mesme dhe Afrik\u00ebs n\u00ebnsahariane m\u00eb 2016, ajo udh\u00ebhoqi arritjen e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje mes BE-s\u00eb dhe presidentit turk Recep Tayyip Erdogan, e cila nd\u00ebrpreu nj\u00eb prej rrug\u00ebve kryesore t\u00eb imigrant\u00ebve q\u00eb ia kishin m\u00ebsyer Evrop\u00ebs. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr faktit q\u00eb Erdogan-i orvatej t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendronte pushtetin n\u00eb duart e tij dhe ishte i z\u00ebn\u00eb me burgosjen e m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 100 gazetar\u00ebve, marr\u00ebveshja fitimprur\u00ebse e ndihmoi t\u00eb forconte pozit\u00ebn e tij politike. Gjermania bashk\u00eb me disa shtete evropian\u00eb nxituan me nd\u00ebrtimin e gazsjell\u00ebsit rus Nord Stream 2, i cili do t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb furnizimet e tyre me energji, nd\u00ebrkaq duke i l\u00ebn\u00eb disa demokraci t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs qendrore dhe lindore jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb c\u00ebnueshme ndaj presionit nga Kremlini.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, sh\u00ebrbimi m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm q\u00eb Merkel dhe lider\u00ebt tjer\u00eb evropian\u00eb i ofruan kampit autoritar ishte d\u00ebshtimi i tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb ballafaquar prapakthimin demokratik n\u00eb vendet fqinje si Hungaria dhe Polonia. Gjat\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7arit t\u00eb fundit, qeverit\u00eb n\u00eb Budapest dhe Varshav\u00eb kan\u00eb g\u00ebrryer me shpejt\u00ebsi sundimin e ligjit, kan\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar ndarjen e pushteteve, kan\u00eb d\u00ebmtuar shtypin e lir\u00eb, dhe kan\u00eb organizuar zgjedhje t\u00eb padrejta. Organizata p\u00ebr vler\u00ebsimin e statusit t\u00eb qeverisjes demokratike n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb\u00a0Freedom House<\/em>, e ka degraduar Hungarin\u00eb n\u00eb \u201cpjes\u00ebrisht t\u00eb lir\u00eb\u201d \u2013 q\u00eb sh\u00ebnon an\u00ebtarin i par\u00eb i BE-s\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj vler\u00ebsimi.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, Brukseli ende nuk ka vendosur sanksione serioze as ndaj Hungaris\u00eb, as ndaj Polonis\u00eb, ku t\u00eb dy vendet vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb pranojn\u00eb miliarda euro nga BE-ja. Meqen\u00ebse blloku ka d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb kontroll t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb mbi shp\u00ebrndarjen e parave, n\u00eb t\u00eb vertet\u00eb i ka ofruar popullist\u00ebve antidemokratik\u00eb q\u00eb drejtojn\u00eb qeverit\u00eb e dy vendeve fonde p\u00ebr t\u00eb shp\u00ebrblyer aleat\u00ebt e tyre politik\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkuar kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

E pamjaftueshme, tep\u00ebr von\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Tash, k\u00ebsaj periudh\u00eb t\u00eb turpshme t\u00eb mosveprimit p\u00ebrball\u00eb kryengritjes autoritare me shpres\u00eb po i vie fundi. Fitorja e Joe Biden-it n\u00eb zgjedhjet presidenciale t\u00eb vitit t\u00eb shkuar vendosi p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb pushtet politikan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtuar ndaj vlerave demokratike. Sulmet ndaj demokracis\u00eb t\u00eb disa an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb aq revoltuese, sa q\u00eb disa politikan\u00eb t\u00eb vendosur, si kryeministri holandez Mark Rutte dhe dy deputet\u00eb t\u00eb Parlamentit Evropian Sophie in t\u2019Veld dhe Sergey Lagodinsky, kan\u00eb detyruar blokun q\u00eb t\u00eb filloj\u00eb t\u00eb ballafaqohet me qeverit\u00eb autoritare n\u00eb mesin e tyre. N\u00ebse lider\u00ebt demokratik\u00eb nuk e kuptojn\u00eb shtrirjen dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin serioz t\u00eb ringjalljes autoritare, p\u00ebrgjigjja e tyre ka gjas\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e pamjaftueshme, tep\u00ebr von\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrpjekjet e BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb frenuar autokracin\u00eb brenda bllokut jan\u00eb rast d\u00ebshp\u00ebrues studimi p\u00ebr at\u00eb se si p\u00ebrpjekjet pa entuziaz\u00ebm jan\u00eb t\u00eb prirura t\u00eb d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb. M\u00eb 2020, pas vitesh e vitesh mosveprim, BE-ja m\u00eb n\u00eb fund provoi t\u00eb v\u00ebnte kushte m\u00eb t\u00eb forta p\u00ebr fondet q\u00eb shp\u00ebrndan p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb bllokut. Nj\u00eb propozim i Komisionit Evropian p\u00ebrfytyroi nj\u00eb sistem q\u00eb do t\u00eb ngrinte pagesat p\u00ebr shtetet an\u00ebtare, n\u00eb rast t\u00eb dhunimit t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit n\u00eb vendet e tyre. Dy sh\u00ebnjestrat, Hungaria dhe Polonia, iu p\u00ebrgjigjen sulmit duke k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar me veto t\u00eb buxhetit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte financimin e masave jetike ndaj COVID-19. Si\u00e7 pritej, lider\u00ebt evropian\u00eb l\u00ebshuan pe shpejt. N\u00eb nj\u00eb kompromis i b\u00ebr\u00eb sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb shp\u00ebtuar fytyr\u00ebn, por q\u00eb kryesisht tregoi se si autokrat\u00ebt p\u00ebrbrenda BE-sa jan\u00eb n\u00eb fakt imun\u00eb ndaj reperkusioneve negative p\u00ebr sulmet e tyre mbi demokracin\u00eb, p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb mbulojn\u00eb politikisht nj\u00ebri tjetrin, komisioni hoqi dor\u00eb nga elementet kryesore t\u00eb masave.<\/p>\n

Si pasoj\u00eb e marr\u00ebveshjes, Komisioni Evropian ende nuk mund t\u00eb ndaloj\u00eb fondet kur shtetet an\u00ebtare nd\u00ebrmarrin hapa p\u00ebr t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar sundimin e ligjit. P\u00ebr t\u00eb sanskionuar shtetet e tilla, Brukseli duhet t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb se si po keqp\u00ebrdoren fondet e BE-s\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb l\u00ebshim tjet\u00ebr, komisioni premtoi se nuk do t\u00eb merrte masa rreth sundimit t\u00eb ligjit kund\u00ebr shteteve an\u00ebtare, derisa ata q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtoj\u00eb at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb ka mbetur nga rregullat e reja, t\u00eb ken\u00eb rastin t\u00eb qesin n\u00eb pyetje kushtetutshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre para Gjykat\u00ebs Evropiane t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Kjo n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb garanton q\u00eb Orbani dhe autokrat\u00ebt tjer\u00eb do t\u00eb fitojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb padrejta, duke mbetur n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb vitet q\u00eb vijn\u00eb. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, p\u00ebrpjekja e d\u00ebshtuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb disiplinuar Hungarin\u00eb dhe Polonin\u00eb thjesht ilustron pand\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e lider\u00ebve autokrat\u00eb p\u00ebrbrenda BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb Atlantikut, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb her\u00ebt t\u00eb thuhet se sa e efektshme do t\u00eb jet\u00eb administrata amerikane n\u00eb fuqizimin e demokracis\u00eb. Deklaratat fillestare t\u00eb Biden-it dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb ekipit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb se e marrin seriozisht k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin autokrat dhe se jan\u00eb t\u00eb etur p\u00ebr t\u00eb rikthyer rolin e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara si \u201clidere t\u00eb bot\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb.\u201d Para nj\u00eb viti, Biden shkroi\u00a0p\u00ebr Foreign Affairs<\/a>\u00a0se \u201cngadh\u00ebnjimi i demokracis\u00eb dhe liberalizmit mbi fashizmin dhe autokracin\u00eb krijoi bot\u00ebn e lir\u00eb, por kjo gar\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrcakton vet\u00ebm t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn ton\u00eb. Do ta p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb gjithashtu edhe t\u00eb ardhmen ton\u00eb.\u201d Kjo qasje sh\u00ebnon kthes\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb krahasim me kat\u00ebr vitet e fundit. N\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e Biden-it, mbijetesa afatshkurt\u00ebr e NATO-s, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb mir\u00eb, nuk do t\u00eb vihet n\u00eb dyshim, nd\u00ebrsa vendet q\u00eb varen nga Shtetet e Bashkuara p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e tyre do t\u00eb marrin frym\u00eb m\u00eb leht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb ardhshme, Shtetet e Bashkuara me gjas\u00eb do t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb m\u00eb p\u00ebr s\u00eb af\u00ebrmi me aleat\u00ebt demokratik\u00eb se sa me shtetet autokrate dhe demokracit\u00eb n\u00eb prapakthim. Ndryshe nga Trump-i, Biden do t\u00eb ket\u00eb gjithsesi marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie m\u00eb t\u00eb mira me lider\u00ebt demokratik\u00eb si Merkel dhe presidenti jugkorean Moon Jae-in se sa me autokrat\u00ebt si Erdogan apo Sisi. Biden-i nuk pritet t\u00eb ftoj\u00eb n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb popullist\u00ebt antidemokrat\u00eb si Orban apo Modi, si\u00e7 b\u00ebri Trump n\u00eb disa raste. Nd\u00ebrkaq, n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e Anthony Blinken, Departamenti i Shtetit do t\u00eb jet\u00eb i z\u00ebsh\u00ebm kund\u00ebr sulmeve mbi t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut dhe institucionet e lira n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb. Popullist\u00ebt dhe autokrat\u00ebt do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb paguajn\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7mim p\u00ebr sulmet mbi vlerat thelb\u00ebsore demokratike.<\/p>\n

Biden-i dhe ekipi i tij ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb poashtu shenja rreth q\u00ebllimeve t\u00eb tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb organizuar nj\u00eb samit t\u00eb demokracive t\u00eb profilit t\u00eb lart\u00eb. Ndon\u00ebse administrata e re nuk ka treguar detaje rreth koh\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebrmbajtjes s\u00eb samitit, q\u00ebllimi i propozimit \u00ebsht\u00eb I qart\u00eb: t\u00eb rigjall\u00ebroj\u00eb vendet demokratike n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e tyre kund\u00ebr k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve autokrate. N\u00eb u b\u00ebft\u00eb si duhet, samiti mund t\u00eb d\u00ebrgoj\u00eb porosi dhe sinjale t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme rreth p\u00ebrkushtimit t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara ndaj vlerave demokratike.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto ndryshime p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsim t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm krahasuar me administrat\u00ebn e Trump-it. Megjithat\u00eb, edhe po u zbatuan plot\u00ebsisht, v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se do t\u00eb mjaftojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb frenuar ringjalljen autoritare. Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb se dy prej q\u00ebllimeve kryesore t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre p\u00ebrpjekjeve \u2013 frenimi i ndikimit t\u00eb autokracive t\u00eb fuqishme dhe ndalja e prapakthimit n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb ky\u00e7e \u2013 jan\u00eb shpesh n\u00eb konflikt me nj\u00ebra tjetren. \u00c7do p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb frenuar ringjalljen autoritare duhet q\u00eb nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ndaloj\u00eb demokracit\u00eb e p\u00ebrgatitura p\u00ebr luft\u00eb, si India dhe Polonia q\u00eb t\u2019i bashkohen radh\u00ebve t\u00eb diktaturave bot\u00ebrore dhe t\u00eb parandaloj\u00eb vendet si Kina dhe Rusia, q\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb rendin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. N\u00ebse Uashingtoni d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb frenoj\u00eb Rusin\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb ngushta me Polonin\u00eb, dhe n\u00ebse d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb frenoj\u00eb Kin\u00ebn, duhet t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb af\u00ebr Indin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo dilem\u00eb do t\u2019ia v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsoj\u00eb agjend\u00ebn prodemokratike administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb Biden-it. P\u00ebr shembull, kur Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb organizoj\u00eb samitin e propozuar t\u00eb demokracive, mund t\u00eb mos i ftoj\u00eb vendet q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb prapakthim t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb dhe q\u00eb kan\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi krahasimisht t\u00eb vog\u00ebl gjeostrategjike, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb Hungaria. Por, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb mos ftohen demokracit\u00eb n\u00eb prapakthim si India apo Polonia, t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb madh\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe pozit\u00ebs gjeografike, jan\u00eb aleat\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb frenuar kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm autoritar\u00eb t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara.<\/p>\n

Demokracit\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb jen\u00eb kurr\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb shmangin t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht k\u00ebt\u00eb predikament. Megjithat\u00eb, ato mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb hapura ndaj natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb problemit dhe t\u2019i p\u00ebrkushtohen publikisht nj\u00eb strategjie t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb shtetet kryesore demokratike t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb dallimin e qart\u00eb mes dy niveleve t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb tyre me vendet tjera: nivelin e ul\u00ebt p\u00ebr vendet me t\u00eb cilat ndajn\u00eb interese gjeostrategjike n\u00eb frenimin e diktaturave t\u00eb fuqishme, edhe n\u00ebse vet\u00eb ato jan\u00eb autokraci ose demokraci n\u00eb prapakthim, dhe nivelin e lart\u00eb t\u00eb vendeve, me t\u00eb cilat ndajn\u00eb si vlerat demokratike ashtu edhe intereset gjeostrategjike.<\/p>\n

Kjo strategji do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte vazhdim\u00ebsin\u00eb e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme n\u00eb t\u00eb kuptuarit e nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur aleancat strategjike me vendet q\u00eb jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak se plot\u00ebsisht demokratike. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte gjithashtu ikje t\u00eb dukshme nga ajo politik\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrkushtuar Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe demokracit\u00eb e tjera t\u00eb fuqishme n\u00eb ruajtjen e statusit t\u00eb partnerit t\u00eb plot\u00eb p\u00ebr demokracit\u00eb liberale dhe degradimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb tyre me partner\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb kahersh\u00ebm n\u00eb rast se b\u00ebjn\u00eb prapakthime t\u00eb dukshme.<\/p>\n

Krijimi i k\u00ebsaj strukture dynivel\u00ebshe do t\u00eb ofronte shtys\u00eb modeste, por t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, p\u00ebr qeverit\u00eb e vendeve t\u00eb interesuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me demokracit\u00eb e qendrueshme, q\u00eb t\u2019i japin fund sulmeve t\u00eb tyre ndaj sundimit t\u00eb ligjit. Gjithashtu, kjo do t\u2019i ofronte aktivist\u00ebve dhe l\u00ebvizjeve prodemokratike n\u00eb ato vende d\u00ebshmi p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfitimet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga rezistenca ndaj autokrat\u00ebve. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb shtetet me ndarje t\u00eb thella, ku forcat prodemokratike ende kan\u00eb shpres\u00eb se mund t\u00eb rr\u00ebzojn\u00eb qeverit\u00eb p\u00ebrmes zgjedhjeve, ky ndryshim politikash mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb dallimin e duhur mes humbjes dhe mbajtjes s\u00eb pushtetit nga ata q\u00eb aspirojn\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhen autokrat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb samitin e propozuar t\u00eb demokracive, Biden-i duhet t\u00eb vendos\u00eb kriteret p\u00ebr at\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn shkelje t\u00eb standardeve minimale demokratike dhe \u00e7far\u00eb kosto do t\u00eb mbivendos\u00eb Uashingtoni mbi vendet q\u00eb nuk i respektojn\u00eb ato. Ai duhet gjithashtu t\u00eb ftoj\u00eb vendet tjera q\u00eb t\u00eb miratojn\u00eb versionet e tyre t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj Doktrine t\u00eb Biden-it. Sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndjekin k\u00ebt\u00eb qasje demokracit\u00eb e zhvilluara, aq m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme do t\u00eb jen\u00eb efektet e saj.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ky artikull\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit\u00a0dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

P\u00ebrmbysja e trendit autoritar. Pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, dukej sikur demokracia kishte ngadh\u00ebnjyer. Megjithat\u00eb, ai optimiz\u00ebm i pal\u00ebkundur ishte i pavend. N\u00eb retrospektiv\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se ishte naive t\u00eb mendohej se demokracia do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahet n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb cepat e bot\u00ebs. Kthesa autoritare e viteve t\u00eb fundit pasqyron t\u00eb metat dhe d\u00ebshtimet […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":576,"featured_media":12273,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1047],"ppma_author":[2217],"class_list":["post-4711","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-demokracia"],"authors":[{"term_id":2217,"user_id":576,"is_guest":0,"slug":"yascha-moung","display_name":"Yascha Moung","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/vVNOIF5B_400x400.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/vVNOIF5B_400x400.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Mounk","first_name":"Yascha","description":"Yascha Mounk is a contributing writer at The Atlantic and the author, most recently, of The Identity Trap: A Story of Ideas and Power in Our Time."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4711","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/576"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4711"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4711\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12271,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4711\/revisions\/12271"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12273"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4711"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4711"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4711"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4711"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}