{"id":4739,"date":"2021-03-05T12:06:54","date_gmt":"2021-03-05T10:06:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4739"},"modified":"2024-11-07T12:11:18","modified_gmt":"2024-11-07T10:11:18","slug":"jeruzalemi-si-debat-shterpe","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/jeruzalemi-si-debat-shterpe\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cJeruzalemi\u201d si debat shterp\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

<\/h3>\n<\/div>\n
\n
\n

Nj\u00eb debat i ekzagjeruar ka dominuar diskursin publik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb k\u00ebto dit\u00eb n\u00eb lidhje me hapjen e ambasad\u00ebs n\u00eb Jeruzalem n\u00eb vazhd\u00ebn e vendosjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve bilaterale me Izraelin. Kjo \u201dstuhi n\u00eb got\u00eb\u201d jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb po shpenzon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb kot\u00eb energji t\u00eb m\u00ebdha brenda vendit, por po shnd\u00ebrrohet dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb kazus p\u00ebr\u00a0v\u00ebmendje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare<\/a>. I panevojsh\u00ebm dhe i pavend p\u00ebr Prishtin\u00ebn, ky diskutim duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyllet dhe tejkalohet sa m\u00eb shpejt.<\/p>\n

Ngritja e k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeje n\u00eb rendin e dit\u00ebs erdhi prej publikimit t\u00eb\u00a0dy letrave<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb urimit drejtuar zotit Albin Kurti dhe Vet\u00ebvendosjes nga kryeministri izraelit Benjamin Netanyahu dhe presidenti turk Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Kryeministri izraelit theksonte n\u00eb letr\u00ebn e tij r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e vendosjes s\u00eb ambasad\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Jeruzalem dhe e ftonte zotin Kurti n\u00eb inaugurimin e pritsh\u00ebm t\u00eb saj. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, presidenti turk mir\u00ebpriste q\u00ebndrimin e Vet\u00ebvendosjes p\u00ebr rishqyrtimin e vendimit p\u00ebr ambasad\u00ebn n\u00eb Jeruzalem dhe e nxiste at\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej nga zotimi ndaj Izraelit.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vorbull\u00ebn mediatike t\u00eb krijuar humb\u00ebn nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb konsideratash t\u00eb vlefshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb analizuar situat\u00ebn, por edhe piketash t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb lidhje me prioritetet e jashtme t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Fillimisht, misioni diplomatik, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin e ambasad\u00ebs, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i zhvendossh\u00ebm sipas preferencave t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme. Protokolle t\u00eb detajuara p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb statusin dhe funksionet e p\u00ebrqasive zyrtare. Shteti prit\u00ebs ka plotfuqishm\u00ebrin\u00eb e aprovimit t\u00eb misionit dhe t\u00eb akreditimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve zyrtar\u00eb. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, shtetet prit\u00ebse kan\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar mbylljen e tyre dhe largimin e diplomat\u00ebve. Kjo p\u00ebr t\u00eb kujtuar se veprimet n\u00eb lidhje me p\u00ebrcaktimin e misioneve diplomatike nuk b\u00ebhen n\u00eb vakum. Ato mbeten shfaqje t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve diplomatike t\u00eb dy vendeve, por dhe subjekt i dakord\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, duhet n\u00ebnvij\u00ebzuar se portretizimi i nj\u00eb dikotomie n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Kosova duhet t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht me Izraelin ose plot\u00ebsisht me Turqin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb portretizim iluzor dhe i d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm. Shtetet p\u00ebrballen me vendime t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira dhe shpeshher\u00eb vektor\u00eb presioni kund\u00ebrshtues me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin. Diplomacia konsiston pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb navigimin e k\u00ebtyre situatave dhe n\u00eb thellimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me vende dhe organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare pavar\u00ebsisht situatave komplekse n\u00eb aren\u00ebn rajonale dhe globale.<\/p>\n

Deri m\u00eb sot, Kosova ka treguar nj\u00eb aft\u00ebsi t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb pran\u00ebv\u00ebn\u00eb orientimin transatlantik me marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb af\u00ebrta me vende si Turqia, t\u00eb cilat jo gjithmon\u00eb ndjekin politika konform k\u00ebtij boshti. Prishtina mund dhe duhet t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb ushqej\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie miq\u00ebsore me t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendet e gatshme t\u00eb angazhohen me t\u00eb, pa sakrifikuar asgj\u00eb nga kredoja e saj per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rastin specifik, duhet qart\u00ebsuar se Ankaraja ka marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb q\u00eb tejkalon interesat e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb ngushta Turqi-Kosov\u00eb. Turqia nuk ka asnj\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb n\u00eb vendimmarrjen e nj\u00eb shteti sovran, sikurse \u00ebsht\u00eb Kosova, dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve bilaterale me shtet t\u00eb tret\u00eb, sikurse \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast angazhimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb hapur ambasad\u00ebn n\u00eb Jeruzalem. Kjo i duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb e qart\u00eb autoriteteve turke.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb duhet t\u00eb reflektojn\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb fshihet pas interesit turk p\u00ebr ngritjen e k\u00ebtij kazusi. Prirja e Turqis\u00eb lidhet, sipas t\u00eb gjitha gjasave, me avancimin e interesave t\u00eb gjera rajonale t\u00eb saj. Kontestimi i statusit t\u00eb Jeruzalemit shikohet nga Ankaraja si mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u2019u ripozicionuar n\u00eb rivalitetin p\u00ebr supremaci brenda bot\u00ebs myslimane. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, lidershipi turk e shfryt\u00ebzon at\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht kundrejt vendeve arabe t\u00eb Gjirit, duke kontrastuar rolin e Turqis\u00eb si mbrojt\u00ebse stoike e interesave t\u00eb popullit palestinez me ato shteteve arabe t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb filluar nj\u00eb proces ngrohjeje t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve dhe normalizimi me Izraelin. Nga ana e saj, Kosova nuk ka asnj\u00eb interes shtet\u00ebror ose arsye komb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre zhvillimeve.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa Turqia mund ta shikoj\u00eb si interes t\u00eb saj t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm mosvendosjen e ambasad\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Jeruzalem, ky pretendim nuk ka as legjitimitet, por as substanc\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb koklavitur ekonomike, por edhe n\u00ebn nj\u00eb trysni t\u00eb jashtme, Turqia ka filluar t\u00eb l\u00ebshoj\u00eb sinjale t\u00eb shumta ndaj Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar tejkalimin e situatave q\u00eb kan\u00eb shenjuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e ftohta nd\u00ebrmjet tyre n\u00eb vitet e fundit. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, duke ndjer\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb ri gjeopolitik, Ankaraja ka\u00a0l\u00ebshuar<\/a>\u00a0sinjale dhe drejt Izraelit p\u00ebr \u00e7tensionimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve.<\/p>\n

Par\u00eb nga ky k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim, k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulja turke ndaj Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht e pretenduar, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, ose, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb keq, nj\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr interesa m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera t\u00eb saj, Prishtina nuk duhet, n\u00eb asnj\u00eb moment, t\u00eb b\u00ebhet veg\u00ebl ose subjekt i k\u00ebtyre interesave.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr vet\u00eb\u00a0r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0e vendosjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb plota diplomatike me Izraelin, Kosova duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e gatshme t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtoj\u00eb edhe\u00a0v\u00ebrejtjet<\/a>\u00a0e Bashkimit Europian ku ajo synon t\u00eb integrohet. Turqia nuk mund dhe nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb fare pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre konsideratave. Kjo e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim nj\u00eb vend mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebs dhe shum\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm nga pik\u00ebpamja ekonomike, por nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson kurrsesi nj\u00eb pik\u00eb orientimi p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e jashtme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Pas takimit t\u00eb zotit Kurti me ambasadorin turk n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, Vet\u00ebvendosja\u00a0u shpreh<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb matur se ambasada n\u00eb Jeruzalem ishte \u201cnj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb do t\u00eb shqyrtohet duke par\u00eb edhe dokumentacionin e qeveris\u00eb n\u00eb ikje.\u201d Megjith\u00ebse u kritikua n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sensacionaliste, ky q\u00ebndrim ishte n\u00eb vetevete nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje shteruese q\u00eb duhet ta p\u00ebrmbyllte debatin.<\/p>\n

Qeveria n\u00eb ikje, n\u00eb zotimet e nd\u00ebrmarra n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb, por edhe n\u00eb procesin e vendosjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb plota diplomatike me Izraelin, ka q\u00ebn\u00eb eksplicite p\u00ebr vendosjen e ambasad\u00ebs n\u00eb Jeruzalem. Megjith\u00ebse nj\u00eb shtet rishtar, Kosova ka treguar maturin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos u t\u00ebrhequr deri m\u00eb sot nga angazhimet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, pavar\u00ebsisht presioneve t\u00eb jashtme dhe rotacioneve t\u00eb brendshme. Vet\u00ebvendosja, si forca m\u00eb e madhe politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb aktualisht dhe si qeveris\u00ebsja e ardhshme nuk mund ta zhb\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb element t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm q\u00eb forcon imazhin dhe natyr\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs si nj\u00eb shtet serioz.<\/p>\n

Brenda vendit, kjo situat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb meskine nga segmente t\u00eb caktuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb shigjetuar Vet\u00ebvendosjen p\u00ebr konsum t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm politik. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, synimi \u00ebsht\u00eb qartazi hedhja e dyshimeve mbi t\u00eb dhe lidershipin e saj n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur k\u00ebta ende nuk kan\u00eb ardhur n\u00eb pushtet. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb asaj kostoje q\u00eb mund t\u00eb krijohet n\u00eb opinionin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ky debat duhet p\u00ebrmbyllur nj\u00ebher\u00eb e mir\u00eb dhe sa m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Hedhja posht\u00eb e \u00e7do lloj dyshimi dhe refuzimi i k\u00ebtyre debateve duhet t\u00eb shikohet nga Vet\u00ebvendosja si mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar se akuzat p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs qeveris\u00ebse dhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb boshti p\u00ebr ardhm\u00ebrin\u00eb e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb vendit jan\u00eb t\u00eb pabaza. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, lider\u00ebt e saj do t\u00eb konsolidojn\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm imazhin e qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb ardhshme, por edhe t\u00eb vet\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

Ky artikull\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit\u00a0dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n
\n

\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nj\u00eb debat i ekzagjeruar ka dominuar diskursin publik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb k\u00ebto dit\u00eb n\u00eb lidhje me hapjen e ambasad\u00ebs n\u00eb Jeruzalem n\u00eb vazhd\u00ebn e vendosjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve bilaterale me Izraelin. Kjo \u201dstuhi n\u00eb got\u00eb\u201d jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb po shpenzon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb kot\u00eb energji t\u00eb m\u00ebdha brenda vendit, por po shnd\u00ebrrohet dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb kazus p\u00ebr\u00a0v\u00ebmendje […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":9,"featured_media":9778,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1365,1076,972],"ppma_author":[19],"class_list":["post-4739","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-debat","tag-izrael","tag-kosove"],"authors":[{"term_id":19,"user_id":9,"is_guest":0,"slug":"akri-cipa","display_name":"Akri \u00c7ipa","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/akri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/akri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"\u00c7ipa","first_name":"Akri","description":"Akri \u00c7ipa \u00ebsht\u00eb konsulent dhe ekspert i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme. \u00c7ipa ka mbaruar studimet Master n\u00eb Columbia University, New York, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb aktiv me analiza n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, demokratizimit dhe proceseve integruese. Shkrimet e tij jan\u00eb publikuar n\u00eb The National Interest, Euractiv, Jerusalem Post, Balkan Insight, Brussels Times dhe t\u00eb tjera."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4739","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/9"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4739"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4739\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9779,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4739\/revisions\/9779"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9778"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4739"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4739"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4739"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4739"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}