{"id":4747,"date":"2021-03-11T12:36:09","date_gmt":"2021-03-11T10:36:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4747"},"modified":"2025-01-17T12:37:50","modified_gmt":"2025-01-17T10:37:50","slug":"nje-pikepamje-per-kosoven-nga-jerusalemi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/nje-pikepamje-per-kosoven-nga-jerusalemi\/","title":{"rendered":"Nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn nga Jerusalemi"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Gjasht\u00eb muaj pas njohjes s\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nga Izraeli dhe nj\u00eb pal\u00eb zgjedhje m\u00eb von\u00eb q\u00eb prodhuan nj\u00eb reliev t\u00eb ri n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike kosovare, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb mbesin paqart\u00ebsi se ku duhet t\u00eb vendoset ambasada e saj n\u00eb Izrael. Zakonisht hapjet e ambasadave jan\u00eb nj\u00eb standard tashm\u00eb rutinor n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Por, vendosja e ambasad\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Izrael shkon p\u00ebrtej teknikalitetit. Si rrall\u00ebher\u00eb, lokacioni i ambasad\u00ebs do t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktues i cil\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me nj\u00ebr\u00ebn nga demokracit\u00eb e rralla n\u00eb Lindje t\u00eb Mesme, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb qend\u00ebr bot\u00ebrore inovacioni dhe po ashtu vatra e nj\u00ebrit nga konfliktet m\u00eb t\u00eb gjata dhe m\u00eb polarizuese t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb fundit.<\/p>\n

Si pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb rajoni t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb fush\u00ebbetej\u00eb gjeopolitike, Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb para nj\u00eb presioni t\u00eb panevojsh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb pahijsh\u00ebm, q\u00eb ka pak t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me t\u00eb e shum\u00eb me kredibilitetin, q\u00ebllimet dhe interesin e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. Bashkimi Evropian, i cili rrall\u00ebher\u00eb arrin t\u00eb ket\u00eb konsensus p\u00ebr politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme, ka pajtueshm\u00ebri q\u00eb shtetet an\u00ebtare dhe ato q\u00eb synojn\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhen shtete an\u00ebtare t\u00eb unionit n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme, t\u00eb ndjekin nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt karshi konfliktit izraelito-palestinez, n\u00eb kontekstin e t\u00eb cilit qyteti i ndar\u00eb i Jerusalemit ka statusin e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, deri n\u00eb gjetjen e zgjidhjes s\u00eb pranueshme nga pal\u00ebt n\u00eb konflikt. Turqia, nd\u00ebrkaq, e fundit n\u00eb vazhd\u00ebn e vendeve q\u00eb ushtruan trysni ndaj Kosov\u00ebs, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve bilaterale t\u00eb shk\u00eblqyeshme me Izraelin, tash e nj\u00eb koh\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb betej\u00eb p\u00ebr primatin rajonal n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin e mysliman\u00ebve. P\u00ebr Ankaran\u00eb zyrtare, e cila n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e presidentit turk Erdogan ka investuar n\u00eb shtrirjen e ndikimit n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, p\u00ebr ta pozicionuar subjektivitetin e vet si forc\u00eb globale n\u00eb nj\u00ebrin nga kontestet ku testohet ndikimi p\u00ebr koncesione n\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme diku tjet\u00ebr, kjo do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb fitore diplomatike q\u00eb d\u00ebshmon q\u00eb relacionet dhe p\u00ebrcaktimi i \u201cmysliman\u00ebve t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs\u201d do t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr kryeqytetin turk.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, pas entuziazmit fillestar dhe hezitimit t\u00eb m\u00ebvonsh\u00ebm kosovar, Izraeli n\u00eb cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e nikoqirit ka nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb hapat e par\u00eb \u2013 qoft\u00eb me inaugurimin e pllak\u00ebs q\u00eb shkruan Ambasada e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Jerusalem n\u00eb dit\u00ebn e vendosjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve bilaterale me Kosov\u00ebn, qoft\u00eb me letr\u00ebn e kryeministrit izraelit Netanyahu d\u00ebrguar kryeministrit n\u00eb ardhje, Albin Kurtit – q\u00eb t\u00eb sigurohet se Kosova nuk do t\u00eb zmbrapset nga vendimi p\u00ebr ta vendosur ambasad\u00ebn n\u00eb Jerusalem, meq\u00eb njohja e Kosov\u00ebs ishte lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb premis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

R\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e njohjes nga Izraeli<\/strong><\/p>\n

Njohja nga Izraeli \u00ebsht\u00eb njohje p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Kosova ka lobuar n\u00eb forma t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebr 13 vite. Arsyet e vones\u00ebs s\u00eb saj kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme, por m\u00eb kryesorja ishte frika e Izraelit q\u00eb me njohjen e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb krijonte precedent q\u00eb do t\u2019i hakmerrej n\u00eb rast t\u00eb deklarimit t\u00eb nj\u00ebansh\u00ebm t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs dhe kund\u00ebrshtimit eventual t\u00eb nj\u00eb shk\u00ebputje t\u00eb till\u00eb unilaterale. Me gjith\u00eb mir\u00ebpritjen e njohjes nga i gjith\u00eb spektri politik edhe p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr njohurive sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore p\u00ebr rrjedhat politike t\u00eb dy dekadave t\u00eb fundit rreth Kosov\u00ebs, z\u00ebrat q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuan k\u00ebt\u00eb vendim t\u00eb Izraelit erdh\u00ebn\u00a0kryesisht nga njoh\u00ebs t\u00eb Ballkanit<\/a>, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt argumentuan kund\u00ebr njohjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj politike t\u00eb etabluar n\u00eb establishmentin izraelit.<\/p>\n

Natyrisht, penges\u00eb n\u00eb njohjen e Kosov\u00ebs ishin edhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e kultivuara nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb mes Izraelit dhe Serbis\u00eb, si produkt i nj\u00eb historie t\u00eb gjat\u00eb mes dy shteteve.<\/p>\n

Njohja n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb par\u00eb kryesisht si nj\u00eb akt q\u00eb e vazhdon konsolidimin e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, por edhe si nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie e re politike me nj\u00eb shtet shpesh t\u00eb referencuar si shembull t\u00eb ruajtjes s\u00eb kujtes\u00ebs kolektive dhe shtetnd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm. Nga inovator\u00ebt dhe afarist\u00ebt vendosja e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve ka hapur mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e njohjes nga Izraeli shkon p\u00ebrtej konfirmimit t\u00eb realitetit t\u00eb ri n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. P\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, njohja nga Izraeli vjen pas nj\u00eb periudhe t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsuar te veprimit diplomatik si rezultat i zhvillimeve t\u00eb brendshme, por edhe nd\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb kontekstit global dhe thellimit t\u00eb ndarjeve ideologjike n\u00eb rendin bot\u00ebror. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb njohja e fundit n\u00eb ciklin e shteteve pro-per\u00ebndimore dhe pro-amerikane t\u00eb cilat njoh\u00ebn pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e shpallur m\u00eb 2008.<\/p>\n

Me aktin e njohjes, Izraeli ka tejkaluar penges\u00ebn q\u00eb njohja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb paraqes precedent p\u00ebr shtetet t\u00eb cilat ndajn\u00eb shqet\u00ebsime t\u00eb ngjashme me konteste territoriale dhe q\u00eb sfidojn\u00eb sovranitetin dhe integritetin e tyre. R\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e saj \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb shfuqizimin e argumentit t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur deri tash nga pes\u00ebshja evropiane dhe shtetet e tjera, t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb arsyetuar se hezitojn\u00eb ta njohin Kosov\u00ebn p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb ngjashme brenda shteteve t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb argument i fuqish\u00ebm p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, e cila nd\u00ebr vite ka provuar t\u00eb argumentoj\u00eb q\u00eb rasti i shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj \u00ebsht\u00eb i posa\u00e7\u00ebm dhe i izoluar nga l\u00ebvizjet e tjera secesioniste. N\u00ebse Izraeli, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje lufte dhe okupimi me Palestin\u00ebn q\u00eb 70 vjet, e ka njohur Kosov\u00ebn si shtet t\u00eb pavarur, at\u00ebher\u00eb shtrohet pyetja: Sa \u00ebsht\u00eb i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm argumenti i Spanj\u00ebs \u2013 nj\u00ebrit nga shteteve m\u00eb problematike p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen evropiane t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs – p\u00ebr mosnjohjen e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj?<\/p>\n

Konteksti q\u00eb e rrethon njohjen<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pavar\u00ebsisht q\u00eb Kosova definohet si shtet laik n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebn e saj, fakti i t\u00eb qenit shtet me shumic\u00eb myslimane p\u00ebr Izraelin mjafton q\u00eb ta vargoj\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb mesin e shteteve arabe me popullat\u00eb myslimane, me t\u00eb cilat Izraeli i ka normalizuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet n\u00eb vitin e fundit.<\/p>\n

Si pjes\u00eb e Marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb Abrahamit, Izraeli k\u00ebt\u00eb vit ka arritur ta konsolidoj\u00eb pranin\u00eb e vet politike, t\u00eb mohuar p\u00ebr shtat\u00eb dekada. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve dhe negociatave sekrete q\u00eb jan\u00eb zhvilluar n\u00eb prapavij\u00eb, q\u00ebndrimet zyrtare t\u00eb shteteve myslimane t\u00eb Gjirit Arab ishin kund\u00ebr Izraelit dhe t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb ekzistuar.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u00ebshtjet politike n\u00eb Izrael jan\u00eb t\u00eb lidhura ngusht\u00eb m\u00eb ato t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. Izolimi i m\u00ebtutjesh\u00ebm i Iranit, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit m\u00eb serioz t\u00eb siguris\u00eb s\u00eb Izraelit nga shtetet me shumic\u00eb myslimane sunite \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb faktor tjet\u00ebr po aq i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e Izraelit p\u00ebr ta njohur Kosov\u00ebn. Paraprakisht, p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb akti q\u00eb sikur kishte trazuar rrug\u00ebn e k\u00ebsaj njohjeje. Kosova n\u00eb qershorin e vitit t\u00eb kaluar kishte shkuar p\u00ebrtej vendimit t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian p\u00ebr t\u2019i shpallur si organizat\u00eb terroriste dy krah\u00ebt e organizat\u00ebs militante Hezbollah, q\u00eb vepron n\u00eb Libanin fqinj, por q\u00eb konsiderohet si dor\u00eb e zgjatur e Iranit.<\/p>\n

Vendosjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve diplomatike mes Izraelit dhe Kosov\u00ebs i parapriu nj\u00eb kontekst i ri n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme. Vitin e fundit shtetet myslimane t\u00eb prira nga Emiratet e Bashkuara Arabe, Bahreini, Sudani e s\u00eb fundi edhe Maroku e Omani i kan\u00eb normalizuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Izraelin, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr nj\u00eb historie t\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb rreshtimit t\u00eb tyre me \u00e7\u00ebshtjen palestineze. N\u00eb dit\u00ebt kur n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb po debatohet rreth vendosjes s\u00eb ambasad\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Jerusalem, Emiratet e Bashkuara Arabe e kan\u00eb akredituar ambasadorin e tyre t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Izrael dhe qysh sot kryeministri izraelit Netanyahu pritet t\u00eb zhvilloj\u00eb vizit\u00ebn e par\u00eb historike dhe t\u00eb takoj\u00eb Princin e Kuror\u00ebs Mohammad bin Zayed.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto shtete, sikur Egjipti e Jordania shum\u00eb dekada m\u00eb par\u00eb, e kan\u00eb tejkaluar ngrirjen e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Izraelin p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb konfliktit izraelito-palestinez, duke e njohur realitetin e krijuar pas shum\u00eb tentimesh p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur nj\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb balancuar dhe negociuar mes dy popujve. P\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb, shtetet q\u00eb me nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimin e administrat\u00ebs amerikane n\u00ebnshkruan marr\u00ebveshjet e normalizimit me Izrael, konsiderojn\u00eb q\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrparim politik dhe diplomatik me Izraelin u \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjeruar mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr ta artikuluar \u00e7\u00ebshtjen palestineze p\u00ebrmes kanaleve zyrtare. N\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb, pse duhet Kosova t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb bajrakun e nj\u00eb mirazhi t\u00eb politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare?<\/p>\n

Ku dallon Kosova nga t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Vendimet e Kosov\u00ebs nuk duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktohen nga marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve me shtetin e Izraelit, sepse ato ndjekin trajektore krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb kontekste q\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht dallojn\u00eb nga nj\u00ebra-tjetra. Historiku i vendosjes s\u00eb ambasadave t\u00eb shteteve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian n\u00eb Tel Aviv, qytetin m\u00eb prominent izraelit pas Jerusalemit, \u00ebsht\u00eb i nd\u00ebrtuar mbi rolin e fuqive bot\u00ebrore n\u00eb krijim e shtetit t\u00eb Izraelit pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore dhe Holokaustit, gjat\u00eb t\u00eb cilit u persekutuan dhe vran\u00eb nga forcat nazifashiste n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb rreth 6 milion\u00eb hebrenj. P\u00ebrpjekja bot\u00ebrore p\u00ebr t\u00eb frenuar Izraelin n\u00eb okupimin e territorit palestinez gjat\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtimit e m\u00eb tutje e prodhoi konsensusin e derivonsh\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar rreth qytetit t\u00eb kontestuar historik n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb\u00a0Rezolut\u00ebs 478 t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit\u00a0 t\u00eb Sigurimit t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb, t\u00eb miratuar n\u00eb vitin 1980<\/a>.\u00a0Kjo rezolut\u00eb anuloi vendimin e parlamentit izraelit p\u00ebr ta ndryshuar statusin e Jerusalemit dhe u b\u00eb parimi baz\u00eb i ruajtjes s\u00eb neutralitetit dhe mbajtjes s\u00eb\u00a0status quo-s\u00eb n\u00eb Jerusalem, deri n\u00eb gjetjen e nj\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb pranueshme nga dyja pal\u00ebt e konfliktit\u00a0izraelito-palestinez. Me gjith\u00eb vazhdimin e okupimit n\u00eb dekadat e m\u00ebvonshme, zhvillimet e tilla politike nuk i kan\u00eb kufizuar shtetet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, si dhe Turqin\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u00eb ndjekin interesat e tyre dhe t\u00eb forcojn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet bilaterale me Izraelin. I vetmi parim q\u00eb i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb ball\u00eb kat\u00ebr dekadave ishte statusi special i Jerusalemit. Ky konsensus tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb thyer me vendimin e Presidentit Trump, p\u00ebr ta njohur Jerusalemin si kryeqytet t\u00eb Izraelit dhe p\u00ebr ta zhvendosur ambasad\u00ebn amerikane n\u00eb Jerusalem, vendim q\u00eb do t\u00eb mbetet n\u00eb fuqi edhe me urdh\u00ebr t\u00eb presidenti aktual, Biden.<\/p>\n

Kosova hyn n\u00eb sken\u00ebn bot\u00ebrore n\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb ri karshi Izraelit. Kosova nuk kishte rol, histori dhe as nuk ishte pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebse n\u00eb konfliktin izraelito-palestinez. E krijuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb themel moral sikur Izraeli, Kosova e ndan nj\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme t\u00eb krijimit dhe t\u00eb kontestimit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ekzistuar. Kosova, e cila ende mbetet jasht\u00eb organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si OKB-ja dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm aspiruese e konventave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, nuk po e zhvendos ambasad\u00ebn nga Tel Avivi n\u00eb Jerusalem si akt t\u00eb veprimit politik. N\u00eb rast t\u00eb vendosjes s\u00eb ambasad\u00ebs n\u00eb Jerusalem, Prishtina zyrtare vepron n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje\u00a0me\u00a0nenet 21 dhe 25 t\u00eb Konvent\u00ebs s\u00eb Vjen\u00ebs mbi Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Diplomatike<\/a>,\u00a0q\u00eb e obligojn\u00eb shtetin nikoqir q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb akomodimin e misionit diplomatik t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti tjet\u00ebr. Meq\u00eb ligji izraelit i cili e p\u00ebrcakton Jerusalemin si kryeqytet t\u00eb Izraelit \u00ebsht\u00eb i kontestuar nga nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, Kosova mund t\u00eb detyrohet q\u00eb ta shpjegoj\u00eb pozicionin e saj, se ambasad\u00ebn n\u00eb Jerusalem do ta vendos\u00eb pa paragjykim p\u00ebr statusin final t\u00eb qytetit t\u00eb kontestuar.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, respektimi i marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruara \u00ebsht\u00eb parimi mbi t\u00eb cilin shtetet e nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb kredibilitetin e tyre dhe konsiderohet si nj\u00eb nga kriteret kryesore t\u00eb konsolidimit t\u00eb subjektivitetit shtet\u00ebror n\u00eb rrafshin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. T\u00ebrheqja eventuale e Kosov\u00ebs nga nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtim i till\u00eb do ta dob\u00ebsoj\u00eb edhe m\u00eb tutje shtetin ton\u00eb n\u00eb rrafshin diplomatik, duke i forcuar argumentet e shteteve q\u00eb tashm\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr njohjen p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebs, apo q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebdyshje p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Autorja ka sh\u00ebrbyer si k\u00ebshilltare p\u00ebr politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme dhe siguri e Presidentes Atifete Jahjaga (2011-2016)<\/p>\n

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Ky artikull mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.11 mars 2021<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Gjasht\u00eb muaj pas njohjes s\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nga Izraeli dhe nj\u00eb pal\u00eb zgjedhje m\u00eb von\u00eb q\u00eb prodhuan nj\u00eb reliev t\u00eb ri n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike kosovare, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb mbesin paqart\u00ebsi se ku duhet t\u00eb vendoset ambasada e saj n\u00eb Izrael. Zakonisht hapjet e ambasadave jan\u00eb nj\u00eb standard tashm\u00eb rutinor n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Por, vendosja e […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":184,"featured_media":12257,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[2411,11],"ppma_author":[213],"class_list":["post-4747","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-jerusalemi","tag-kosova"],"authors":[{"term_id":213,"user_id":184,"is_guest":0,"slug":"garentina-kraja","display_name":"Garentina Kraja","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-28.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-28.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Kraja","first_name":"Garentina","description":"Garentina Kraja ishte k\u00ebshilltare p\u00ebr Politika t\u00eb Jashme e presidentes Atifete Jahjaga. Ajo ka punuar si korrespondente p\u00ebr organizat\u00ebn Associated Press, si dhe ka qen\u00eb gazetare n\u00eb gazet\u00ebn Koha Ditore. Ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet Bachelor dhe Master n\u00eb Shkenc\u00eb Politike n\u00eb Universitetin Yale n\u00eb ShBA."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4747","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/184"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4747"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4747\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12258,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4747\/revisions\/12258"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12257"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4747"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4747"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4747"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4747"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}