{"id":4796,"date":"2021-02-05T12:03:32","date_gmt":"2021-02-05T10:03:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4796"},"modified":"2025-01-08T12:14:17","modified_gmt":"2025-01-08T10:14:17","slug":"biden-i-se-bashku-me-europen-duhet-ti-beje-balle-putin-it","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/biden-i-se-bashku-me-europen-duhet-ti-beje-balle-putin-it\/","title":{"rendered":"Biden-i s\u00eb bashku me Europ\u00ebn duhet t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb ball\u00eb Putin-it"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Presidenti i ri p\u00ebrballet me testin e par\u00eb madhor n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme: si t\u00eb reagoj\u00eb ndaj trajtimit t\u00eb disidentit Alexei Navalny.<\/em><\/p>\n

Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb testi i par\u00eb i presidenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Joe Biden-it n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme. Me t\u2019u kthyer nga sh\u00ebrimi tij n\u00eb Gjermani pas tentimvrasj\u00ebs me helm, disidenti Alexei Navalny u rikthye guximsh\u00ebm n\u00eb Rusi ku edhe u burgos menj\u00ebher\u00eb. Protestat shp\u00ebrthyen dhe Kremlini u p\u00ebrgjigj me shtypje t\u00eb dhunshme. M\u00eb 2 shkurt,\u00a0gjykata ruse e d\u00ebnoi Navalny-n<\/a>\u00a0me m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy vjet n\u00eb kamp internimi. Situata \u00ebsht\u00eb e tensionuar \u2013 e till\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb qasjen e politik\u00ebs ndaj Rusis\u00eb dhe trajtimit t\u00eb shkeljeve t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs Biden.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjigjja m\u00eb e mir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb Biden-i t\u00eb v\u00eb n\u00eb praktik\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb ka premtuar n\u00eb fushat\u00ebn zgjedhore: mbledhjen e aleat\u00ebve n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjen e re diplomatike p\u00ebr t\u2019i b\u00ebr\u00eb presion regjimit t\u00eb Vladimir Putin-it.<\/p>\n

Nisja e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb till\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb sfid\u00eb p\u00ebr administrat\u00ebn e re, ende t\u00eb paplot\u00ebsuar. Por, koha \u00ebsht\u00eb tash. Navalny ka marr\u00eb v\u00ebmendjen e bot\u00ebs. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, ku interesat biznesore n\u00eb favor t\u00eb angazhimit ekonomik me Kremlinin jan\u00eb t\u00eb forta dhe ku instinkti i shum\u00eb ministrave t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb qet\u00ebsojn\u00eb gjakrat dhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsojn\u00eb mes Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe Rusis\u00eb. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb BE-ja dhe kryeqetetet e saj t\u2019ia shtr\u00ebngojn\u00eb burgjit\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs, k\u00ebrkohet jo vet\u00ebm shtyrja e SHBA-s\u00eb, por edhe ndjenja e sinqert\u00eb e indinjat\u00ebs ndaj Kremlinit.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb indinjat\u00eb e till\u00eb ngjau m\u00eb 2014 pasi Rusia pushtoi Ukrain\u00ebn dhe ishte p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse p\u00ebr rr\u00ebzimin e aeroplanit MH-17, ku u vran\u00eb 298 qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb pafajsh\u00ebm. S\u00eb bashku, BE-ja dhe Shtetet e Bashkuara- dy prej tri ekonomive m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb bot\u00eb \u2013 vendos\u00ebn sanksione t\u00eb forta ndaj Rusis\u00eb. Alarm t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm pati n\u00eb Europ\u00eb m\u00eb 2016 dhe 2017 kur Rusia nd\u00ebrhyu n\u00eb zgjedhjet amerikane dhe franceze. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, administrata e Trump-it nuk b\u00ebri gj\u00eb, duke e privuar BE-n\u00eb nga shtysa e nevojshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxitur n\u00eb veprim 27 shtetet e saj an\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Indinjata e Europ\u00ebs p\u00ebr situat\u00ebn e Navalny-t i ofron nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb Biden-it p\u00ebr t\u00eb tejkaluar penges\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo strategjie efektive karshi Rusis\u00eb: krijimi i nj\u00eb fronti t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt mes Amerik\u00ebs dhe Europ\u00ebs. N\u00eb tetor, kur administrata e Trump-it heshtte lidhur me helmimin e Navalny-t, BE-ja nd\u00ebrmorri hapin e jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm t\u00eb vendosjes s\u00eb\u00a0sanksioneve ndaj gjasht\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebve<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb lart\u00eb rus\u00eb. K\u00ebto masa, q\u00eb kishin p\u00ebr cak Alexander Bortnikov-in, drejtorin e Sh\u00ebrbimit Federal t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb (FSB), dhe Sergei Kriyenko-n, z\u00ebvend\u00ebs shefin e stafit t\u00eb Putin-it, iu ndalojn\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebve q\u00eb t\u00eb udh\u00ebtojn\u00eb n\u00eb BE dhe ngrijn\u00eb asetet e tyre p\u00ebrbrenda juridiksionit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Se BE-ja mund t\u00eb mblidhte unitet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb potez aq t\u00eb vendosur \u2013 pa ndonj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje nga Shtetet e Bashkuara \u2013 kjo d\u00ebshmon seriozitetin me t\u00eb cilin kryeqytetet europiane e shohin trajtimin e Navalny-t.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, formulimi i nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjeje t\u00eb duhur ndaj Kremlinit do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb vepra m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme \u2013 dhe doemos lidership nga administrata e re n\u00eb Uashington. Sa p\u00ebr fillim, Shtetet e Bashkuara duhet t\u00eb nxitojn\u00eb e t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb b\u00ebn\u00eb aleat\u00ebt europian\u00eb, duke vendosur nj\u00eb varg sanksionesh q\u00eb pasqyrojn\u00eb ato q\u00eb BE-ja vendosi n\u00eb tetor. M\u00eb pas, administrata e Biden-it duhet t\u00eb zhvilloj\u00eb bisedime t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb me zyrtar\u00ebt e BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhvilluar nj\u00eb list\u00eb opsionesh p\u00ebr sankisione q\u00eb do t\u00eb vendoseshin n\u00eb shpejt\u00ebsi, var\u00ebsisht nga l\u00ebvizjet q\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb Kremlini. Kjo list\u00eb duhet t\u00eb varioj\u00eb q\u00eb prej sanksioneve shtes\u00eb ndaj rrjetit kleptokratik t\u00eb Putin-it e deri te masat m\u00eb serioze \u2013 p\u00ebr shembull, ngrirja e aseteve n\u00eb nj\u00eb ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb banka shtet\u00ebrore ruse ose kompanive t\u00eb naft\u00ebs. Kremlini p\u00ebrfiton jasht\u00eb mase nga qasja n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, meq\u00eb oligarkia q\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah regjimin shfryt\u00ebzon at\u00eb qasje p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur pasurin\u00eb e vjedhur nga populli rus. P\u00ebr Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe Europ\u00ebn, nd\u00ebrprerja e k\u00ebsaj qasje \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e men\u00e7ur p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkaktuar d\u00ebme Kremlinit.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, zyrtar\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb duhet t\u00eb fillojn\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimin me homolog\u00ebt n\u00eb BE dhe Britani p\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar rregullat q\u00eb pengojn\u00eb rrjedhjet financiare t\u00eb kleptokrat\u00ebve. Buxheti i Pentagonit inkorporoi nj\u00eb dispozit\u00eb q\u00eb ndalon firmat anonime joaktive [shell companies], duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb besueshm\u00ebri Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara q\u00eb t\u00eb shtyjn\u00eb aleat\u00ebt e tyre n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrtimi i unitetit transatlantik p\u00ebr politikat karshi Rusis\u00eb sot, do t\u00eb sillte fryte p\u00ebr administrat\u00ebn e Biden-it n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. Qeverit\u00eb nuk munden q\u00eb thjesht t\u2019i vendosin e t\u2019i harrojn\u00eb sanksionet. K\u00ebshtu ndodhi pas inaugurimit t\u00eb Trump-it m\u00eb 2017, kur sanksionet e SHBA-s\u00eb dhe BE-s\u00eb mbeten t\u00eb amullta dhe prandaj humb\u00ebn efikasitetin. Firmat nd\u00ebrruan emrat dhe krijuan filiale, oligark\u00ebt gjet\u00ebn m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr t\u00eb fshehur asestet, dhe\u00a0ekonomia u p\u00ebrshtat p\u00ebrkitazi<\/a>. Duke krijuar unitet me BE-n\u00eb p\u00ebr sanksionet q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim, administrata e Biden-it mund t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin zyrtar\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb dhe europian\u00eb mbushin rregullisht zbraz\u00ebtirat, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb sanksionet t\u00eb mbesin t\u00eb forta.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb njejt\u00ebn koh\u00eb q\u00eb nis k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje administrata e re, ajo duhet q\u00eb gjithashtu t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitet p\u00ebr kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigjet e Rusis\u00eb. Sulmi kibernetik SolarWinds i ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb Rusis\u00eb pushtet dhe mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u2019u hakmarr\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb e paqart\u00eb se deri ku ka dep\u00ebrtuar dhe \u00e7far\u00eb d\u00ebme mund t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb. Administrata e Biden-it nuk duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb sos\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha mund\u00ebsit\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb vargun e par\u00eb t\u00eb sanksioneve ndaj Rusis\u00eb. Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe BE-ja duhet t\u2019i l\u00ebn\u00eb vet\u00ebs hap\u00ebsir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb shtr\u00ebngojn\u00eb e p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzojn\u00eb sanksionet n\u00eb rast t\u00eb kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigjes ruse. Sanksionet e m\u00ebdha sektorale \u2013 sikurse futja n\u00eb list\u00eb t\u00eb zez\u00eb e nyjeve qendore t\u00eb industris\u00eb financiare t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb \u2013 duhet t\u00eb rezervohet p\u00ebr m\u00eb von\u00eb. Kjo do ta detyronte Kremlinin t\u00eb mendonte mir\u00eb e gjat\u00eb se si t\u00eb reagoj\u00eb, duke ditur q\u00eb Per\u00ebndimi do t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzoj\u00eb masat edhe m\u00eb tej.<\/p>\n

Futja n\u00eb nj\u00eb angazhim t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimit kok\u00eb m\u00eb kok\u00eb me Rusin\u00eb, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb fuqi nukleare, \u00ebsht\u00eb rrug\u00eb plot me rreziqe. Por Kremlini ka m\u00ebnjanuar \u00e7do vet\u00ebp\u00ebrmbajtje q\u00eb ka pasur m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb angazhimin e tij global. Rusia p\u00ebrdor arm\u00eb kimik\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb vrar\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt, pushton fqinjt\u00eb dhe nd\u00ebrmerr sulme kibernetike ndaj sistemeve civile. Duket se p\u00ebrve\u00e7 pushtimit t\u00eb ndonj\u00eb shteti an\u00ebtar t\u00eb NATO-s, p\u00ebr Kremlinin nuk ka mbetur ndonj\u00eb vij\u00eb e kuqe. Prandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb aq kritik krijimi i nj\u00eb strategjie p\u00ebr ndalimin e Rusis\u00eb. P\u00ebrderisa regjimi i Putin-it mbetet i varur nga qasja n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, SHBA-ja dhe Europa kan\u00eb veglat e nevojshme q\u00eb ta ndalojn\u00eb p\u00ebrmes presionit ekonomik, pa pasur nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb nisin luft\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sanksionet dhe riorganizimi i rregullimeve financiare nuk jan\u00eb kurrsesi ila\u00e7. Askush nuk duhet t\u00eb pres\u00eb q\u00eb sanksionet do ta rr\u00ebzojn\u00eb Kremlinin. Nuk e kan\u00eb at\u00eb fuqi.\u00a0Q\u00ebllimi \u00ebsht\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0q\u00eb t\u00eb vendosen kostot, t\u00eb zbatohen normat, dhe t\u00eb detyrohet Kremlini q\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb sjelljet. Sanksionet\u00a0 transatlantike menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas protestave do ta godisnin regjimin n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment kritik. Tash \u00ebsht\u00eb koha p\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt transatlantike.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0Politico<\/a><\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

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Ky artikull\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autor\u00ebve\u00a0dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Presidenti i ri p\u00ebrballet me testin e par\u00eb madhor n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme: si t\u00eb reagoj\u00eb ndaj trajtimit t\u00eb disidentit Alexei Navalny. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb testi i par\u00eb i presidenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Joe Biden-it n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme. Me t\u2019u kthyer nga sh\u00ebrimi tij n\u00eb Gjermani pas tentimvrasj\u00ebs me helm, disidenti Alexei Navalny u rikthye guximsh\u00ebm n\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":569,"featured_media":11683,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1687,1668,1975],"ppma_author":[2204,2205],"class_list":["post-4796","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-biden","tag-evropa","tag-putin"],"authors":[{"term_id":2204,"user_id":569,"is_guest":0,"slug":"max-bergmann","display_name":"Max Bergmann","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/max-bergmann.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/max-bergmann.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Bergmann","first_name":"Max","description":"Max Bergmann is a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress. He served as a senior advisor in the State Department from 2011-2017."},{"term_id":2205,"user_id":570,"is_guest":0,"slug":"edward-fishman","display_name":"Edward Fishman","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/Fishman.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/Fishman.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Fishman","first_name":"Edward","description":"Edward Fishman, a nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council and adjunct fellow at the Center for a New American Security, is a former member of the U.S. Secretary of State\u2019s Policy Planning Staff"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4796","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/569"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4796"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4796\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11684,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4796\/revisions\/11684"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11683"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4796"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4796"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4796"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4796"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}