{"id":4852,"date":"2021-02-27T11:04:47","date_gmt":"2021-02-27T09:04:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4852"},"modified":"2024-11-01T13:26:08","modified_gmt":"2024-11-01T11:26:08","slug":"probleme-zgjedhore","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/opinion\/probleme-zgjedhore\/","title":{"rendered":"Probleme zgjedhore"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\">\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">K\u00ebtu do t\u2019i trajtoj problemet kryesore n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndarjes s\u00eb sken\u00ebs politike n\u00eb dy kampe kryesore, retorika politike ishte nxehur mjaft shum\u00eb gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht kemi par\u00eb edhe veprime nga KQZ p\u00ebr shtypjen e vot\u00ebs, dhe fushat\u00ebn e List\u00ebs Srpska p\u00ebr t\u00eb zaptuar ul\u00ebset e rezervuara p\u00ebr komunitetet joserbe, q\u00eb e njollos\u00ebn mbar\u00ebvajtjen e procesit zgjedhor. Si pik\u00ebnisje e kam at\u00eb q\u00eb e quaj \u201cModeli Trumpist\u201d i shtypjes s\u00eb vot\u00ebs, e q\u00eb na sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr ta kuptuar at\u00eb q\u00eb ndodhi me vot\u00ebn me post\u00eb q\u00eb luajti rol t\u00eb madh n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<p><strong>Shtypja e vot\u00ebs<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Modeli Trumpist i shtypjes s\u00eb vot\u00ebs dhe parregullsive zgjedhore tashm\u00eb mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehet n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Tiparet kryesore kryesore t\u00eb tij jan\u00eb: Diskreditimi i votimit me post\u00eb dhe votuesve me post\u00eb (shih debatin p\u00ebr diaspor\u00ebn q\u00eb ringjallet shpesh); Instalimi i rregullave t\u00eb reja burokratike p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb votimin (p.sh. konfirmimi p\u00ebrmes telefonit); B\u00ebrja m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr votat t\u00eb mb\u00ebrrijn\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00eb (p.sh. duke vonuar kryerjen e obligimeve si botimi i flet\u00ebvotimeve e listave dhe duke ngadal\u00ebsuar zyrat postare); P\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr skualifikim t\u00eb votave me post\u00eb; P\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar dhe vonuar proceset e \u00e7ertifikimit; Mohimi i humbjes s\u00eb zgjedhjeve.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast votuesit q\u00eb votojn\u00eb me post\u00eb jan\u00eb kryesisht diaspor\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt pritet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin opozit\u00ebn (LVV). Tre tiparet e fundit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij procesi ndodhin gjat\u00eb dhe pas\u00eb num\u00ebrimit t\u00eb votave, edhe pse ka pas\u00eb raste t\u00eb mohimit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar p\u00ebr arsye \u2018byrokratike\u2019 si psh mosp\u00ebrgjigjja n\u00eb telefon. Nj\u00eb problem tjet\u00ebr ishte l\u00ebnia jasht\u00eb listave\u00a0t\u00eb votuesve e disa m\u00ebrgimtar\u00ebve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk ishin as n\u00eb list\u00ebn e votimin me post\u00eb as n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb votimit n\u00eb vendvotim. Sa i p\u00ebrket \u00e7ertifikimit, vonesa kemi par\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb ndodhur pas zgjedhjeve t\u00eb vitit 2019, mes tjerash p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ankes\u00ebs s\u00eb NISMA-s p\u00ebr rreth 3700 vota t\u00eb ardhura nga Serbia e t\u00eb cilat b\u00ebnin diferenc\u00ebn mes kalimit e moskalimit t\u00eb pragut nga NISMA. Me numrin rekord t\u00eb mbi 102 mij\u00eb votuesve t\u00eb regjistruar nga diaspora, doli q\u00eb numri i votave q\u00eb shpallen t\u00eb pavlefshme t\u00eb jet\u00eb i lart\u00eb (rreth 29%). Nj\u00eb problem q\u00eb duhet theksuar k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb se p\u00ebrdoren standarde t\u00eb dyfishta, ku shum\u00eb vota me post\u00eb jan\u00eb diskualifikuar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb dokumentacionit t\u00eb skaduar, kur KQZ kishte vendosur q\u00eb votuesit n\u00eb vendvotime t\u00eb lejohen t\u00eb votojn\u00eb me\u00a0dokumentacion t\u00eb skaduar. Caku i modelit Trumpist n\u00eb fakt ishte q\u00eb i t\u00ebr\u00eb votimi me post\u00eb t\u00eb shpallet i pavlefsh\u00ebm, ku Trump i kishte nxitur votuesit e tij t\u00eb mos votojn\u00eb me post\u00eb. Alarmin p\u00ebr malverzime t\u00eb mundshme e ka ngritur edhe vet\u00eb ish-drejtori paralel i post\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, Nojkiq. Dhe, n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me praktikat e shteteve demokratike, afati i pranimit t\u00eb votave me post\u00eb u caktua dy dit\u00eb para dit\u00ebs s\u00eb zgjedhjeve. Kurse mohimi i humbjes nuk ndodhi sepse rezultati ishte mjaft i qart\u00eb, me gjith\u00eb faktin se pati deklarime t\u00eb partive n\u00eb pushtet se ato do t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb qeveri pamvar\u00ebsisht se cila parti del e para n\u00eb zgjedhje, q\u00eb sugjeron q\u00eb ato shpresonin ta formojn\u00eb prap\u00eb qeverin\u00eb s\u00eb bashku duke i mohuar koalicionin qeveris\u00ebs partis\u00eb fituese q\u00eb pritej t\u00eb ishte LVV.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb problem tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb ndodhi gjat\u00eb dit\u00ebs s\u00eb zgjedhjes ishte edhe mungesa e flet\u00ebvotimeve n\u00eb disa vendvotime n\u00eb komun\u00ebn e Prishtin\u00ebs. Shum\u00eb qytetuar u kthyen n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi pa votuar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj. Dhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb problem q\u00eb KQZ nuk duhet t\u00eb lejoj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Zgjerimi i ndikimit t\u00eb List\u00ebs Srpska<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Njolla m\u00eb e madhe e k\u00ebtij procesi zgjedhor doli t\u00eb jet\u00eb keqp\u00ebrdorimi i vendeve t\u00eb rezervuara p\u00ebr pakicat nga Lista Serbe. Duke p\u00ebrkrahur partit\u00eb lojale ndaj tyre, Lista Srpska ka siguruar edhe kat\u00ebr deput\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb pakicave joserbe p\u00ebrve\u00e7 10 deputet\u00ebve t\u00eb pakic\u00ebs serbe. Kishte ankesa p\u00ebr votim t\u00eb shum\u00ebfisht\u00eb nga komisioner\u00eb zgjedhor. Indikacion tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr parregullsi \u00ebsht\u00eb se votat e serb\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Serbi nuk erdh\u00ebn p\u00ebrmes post\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, dhe ata nuk u regjistruan p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar me post\u00eb si diaspora, por kishte organizim transporti q\u00eb ata t\u00eb votojn\u00eb n\u00eb vendvotime. Lista Serbe qysh moti ka provuar ta zgjeroj\u00eb ndikimin te pakicat joserbe. Dhe deri diku ka pas\u00eb sukses. Deputeti Adem Hodza nga partia gorane, kishte kaluar n\u00eb Grupin parlamentar t\u00eb List\u00ebs Serbe, duke rritur numrin e deputet\u00ebve n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb grup n\u00eb 11. Kjo kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebhet grupi parlamentar i pakicave 6+, sepse nuk i kishin m\u00eb 6 deputet\u00eb t\u00eb nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar grup. Plani\u00a0p\u00ebr zgjerim, pati sukses dhe tash Lista Srpksa ka p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim n\u00eb parlament (14 nga 120 deputet\u00eb) sa tri her\u00eb m\u00eb shume sa p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi i popullsis\u00eb serbe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb proporcionalisht (rreth 4.5%). Kjo gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb me rrezik se tashm\u00eb v\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje pasjen e ul\u00ebseve t\u00eb rezervuara kur ato mund t\u00eb keqp\u00ebrdoren n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar probleme t\u00eb tilla do t\u00eb duhen reforma ligjore por edhe kushtetuese. Duhet t\u00eb leht\u00ebsohet votimi me post\u00eb dhe t\u00eb qart\u00ebsohen rregullat e t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb standarde t\u00eb dyfishta. Poashtu duhet t\u00eb konsiderohet seriozisht organizimi i votimit elektronik, gj\u00eb q\u00eb e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb Estonia me sukses. Sa i p\u00ebrket vendeve t\u00eb rezervuara p\u00ebr pakicat, atyre tashm\u00eb u ka skaduar afati kushtetues. Por forma q\u00eb do t\u00eb marrin ato do t\u00eb varet edhe nga bisedimet me Serbin\u00eb. Sidoqoft\u00eb, forma aktuale e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb n\u00eb krahasim me gjendjen demografike \u00ebsht\u00eb diskredituar n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>K\u00ebtu do t\u2019i trajtoj problemet kryesore n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndarjes s\u00eb sken\u00ebs politike n\u00eb dy kampe kryesore, retorika politike ishte nxehur mjaft shum\u00eb gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht kemi par\u00eb edhe veprime nga KQZ p\u00ebr shtypjen e vot\u00ebs, dhe fushat\u00ebn e List\u00ebs Srpska p\u00ebr t\u00eb zaptuar ul\u00ebset e rezervuara p\u00ebr komunitetet joserbe, q\u00eb e [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":19,"featured_media":8955,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[458],"ppma_author":[29],"class_list":["post-4852","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-election"],"authors":[{"term_id":29,"user_id":19,"is_guest":0,"slug":"seb-bytyci","display_name":"Seb Byty\u00e7i","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1668771566235.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1668771566235.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Byty\u00e7i","first_name":"Seb","description":"Dr. Seb Bytyci ka p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse n\u00eb hulumtim shkencor dhe m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebnie p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy dekada, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb angazhime me University of London\/LSE, University of York, University of Winchester, William College, IPOL Institute, si dhe Police Federation of England and Wales. Ai ka qen\u00eb gjithashtu i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb avokim praktik dhe ka bashk\u00ebpunuar me organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si OKB, UNDP dhe OSBE.\r\n\r\nSeb ka doktoratur\u00eb (PhD) nga University of York; nj\u00eb Master n\u00eb Administrat\u00eb Publike (MPA) n\u00eb Analiz\u00eb Politikash dhe \u00c7\u00ebshtje Krahasuese &amp; Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nga Indiana University (Bloomington), si dhe nj\u00eb MES n\u00eb Integrim Evropian dhe Rajonaliz\u00ebm nga University of Graz\/EIPA\/EURAC.\r\n\r\nHulumtimi i tij i doktoratur\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb fokusuar n\u00eb institucionet n\u00eb vende n\u00eb tranzicion, nd\u00ebrsa fushat e tij t\u00eb interesit p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e institucioneve efektive dhe lidershipin, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e BE-s\u00eb dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, zgjidhjen e konflikteve, shtetin zhvillimor dhe proceset e transformimit shoq\u00ebror."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4852","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/19"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4852"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4852\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9399,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4852\/revisions\/9399"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8955"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4852"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4852"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4852"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4852"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}