{"id":4882,"date":"2020-11-30T10:45:36","date_gmt":"2020-11-30T08:45:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4882"},"modified":"2024-10-11T12:40:53","modified_gmt":"2024-10-11T10:40:53","slug":"evropianizimi-si-rrefim-konsensusesh","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/opinion\/evropianizimi-si-rrefim-konsensusesh\/","title":{"rendered":"Evropianizimi si rr\u00ebfim konsensusesh"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>Konsensusi si parim themelor i vendimmarrjes determinon marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet tona politike me Bashkimin Evropian. Por, ai shpesh shihet ngusht\u00ebsisht dhe i shk\u00ebputur nga interesat. Prandaj duhet pasur parasysh se ka tri nivele, shpesh kund\u00ebrth\u00ebn\u00ebs, t\u00eb konsensusit: nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, n\u00eb vendimmarrjen e brendshme dhe n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri.<\/p>\n<p>Kosova akoma \u00ebsht\u00eb shtet \u2018i pap\u00ebrfunduar\u2019 n\u00eb aspektin e jasht\u00ebm, n\u00eb kuptimin e njohjes s\u00eb sovranitetit t\u00eb saj nga shtete dhe organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Premisa e procesit t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga OKB q\u00eb \u00e7oi n\u00eb krijimin e shtetit ishte ajo e konsensusit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb dhe ShBA-s\u00eb me Rusin\u00eb e Kin\u00ebn, dhe me Serbin\u00eb, i cili d\u00ebshtoi pasi q\u00eb ato refuzuan propozimin e Ahtisaarit p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi. Si shtet \u2018i pap\u00ebrfunduar\u2019 n\u00eb aspektin e jasht\u00ebm, dhe prandaj i pabarabart\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb e pafuqishme q\u00eb t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb form\u00ebsuar n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb nga interesat, apo q\u00eb t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb reciprocitetin ose kusht\u00ebzueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb si instrumente t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj politike.<\/p>\n<p>ShBA dhe BE luajn\u00eb rol politik strategjik n\u00eb shtet-nd\u00ebrtimin ton\u00eb t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm, bazuar n\u00eb konsensusin mes tyre p\u00ebr integrimin euro-atlantik t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb rajonit, duke p\u00ebrkrahur vendosjen e qeverisjes demokratike dhe ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb tregut. P\u00ebr dallim nga marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet politike me ShBA-n\u00eb, ato me BE-n\u00eb jan\u00eb kund\u00ebrth\u00ebn\u00ebse, pasi q\u00eb konsensusi brenda saj \u00ebsht\u00eb konsensus i shteteve an\u00ebtare dhe institucioneve t\u00eb saj. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb mosnjohjes nga pes\u00eb shtete an\u00ebtare, k\u00ebto marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie jan\u00eb \u2018neutrale ndaj statusit\u2019 dhe manifestohen si \u2018ambiguitet konstruktiv\u2019. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00ebrisht e favorshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt: BE-s\u00eb i mund\u00ebson t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb politikat e saj p\u00ebr t\u00ebr\u00eb rajonin dhe Kosov\u00ebs interesin e saj p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmbylljen e shtet-nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm.<\/p>\n<p>Megjithat\u00eb, si shtet i pabarabart\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, Kosov\u00ebs m\u00eb tep\u00ebr i imponohen kushte se q\u00eb mund t\u00eb imponoj\u00eb. P\u00ebr shembull, BE e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Serbin\u00eb kriter p\u00ebr integrimin e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb konsensusin si parim themelor t\u00eb vendimmarrjes politike. Ai gjithashtu \u00ebsht\u00eb kriter ligj\u00ebrisht i detyruesh\u00ebm: Marr\u00ebveshja e Stabilizim-Asociimit (MSA) i mund\u00ebson BE-s\u00eb ta pezulloj\u00eb at\u00eb n\u00ebse Kosova nuk tregon zotim p\u00ebr \u201cp\u00ebrmir\u00ebsim t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm e t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm\u201d t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Serbin\u00eb. Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb e pabarabart\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces pasi q\u00eb p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb normalizimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Kosov\u00ebn nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb obligim ligjor shprehimisht i detyruesh\u00ebm sipas MSA-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Kosova ka pranuar MSA \u2018vet\u00ebm me BE-n\u00eb\u2019 bazuar n\u00eb narrativin se normalizimi ndihmon shtet-nd\u00ebrtimin e jasht\u00ebm ashtu q\u00eb njohja nga Serbia do t\u00eb bindte shtetet an\u00ebtare q\u00eb nuk e njohin at\u00eb q\u00eb ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe Rusin\u00eb e Kin\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebrheqin veton ndaj an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb saj n\u00eb OKB. Kjo do t\u00eb hapte rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb OKB dhe p\u00ebr marrjen e statusit t\u00eb shtetit kandidat p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE. Pra, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet tona politike me BE-n\u00eb pasqyrojn\u00eb kompromisin nd\u00ebrmjet shteteve an\u00ebtare q\u00eb e njohin shtetin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe atyre q\u00eb nuk e njohin at\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebshtu, Kosova ia ka p\u00ebrshtatur shtyll\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb jashtme preferencave t\u00eb shteteve an\u00ebtare q\u00eb e njohin at\u00eb, me pritjen q\u00eb ato do t\u2019i bindin shtetet jo-njoh\u00ebse q\u00eb ta njohin shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj. Por, ato hezitojn\u00eb ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pjes\u00ebrisht pasi q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt e tyre e shohin zgjerimin e m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim ndaj mir\u00ebqenies ekonomike dhe siguris\u00eb. Kosova gjithashtu ia ka p\u00ebrshtatur at\u00eb preferencave t\u00eb shteteve an\u00ebtare jo-njoh\u00ebse n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u2019i bindur q\u00eb ta njohin. Megjithat\u00eb, ato hezitojn\u00eb nga frika se kjo nxit separatizmin n\u00eb mesin e pakicave t\u00eb tyre, pra e shohin k\u00ebt\u00eb si k\u00ebrcenim ndaj siguris\u00eb s\u00eb tyre t\u00eb brendshme.<\/p>\n<p>Arritja e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse, ligj\u00ebrisht t\u00eb detyrueshme Kosov\u00eb-Serbi \u00ebsht\u00eb zyrtarisht kusht i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb kusht\u00ebzueshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ndaj dy vendeve nga viti 2018. Megjithat\u00eb, normalizimi \u00ebsht\u00eb bllokuar qe pothuaj tri vjet, nd\u00ebrsa BE nuk ka instrumente efektive p\u00ebr ta ndryshuar sjelljen e Serbis\u00eb. Kjo tregon se konsensusi si parim i vendimmarrjes politike n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e zgjerimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kriz\u00eb, dhe rezulton n\u00eb konsensus p\u00ebr ta mbajtur nj\u00eb vend n\u00eb amulli.<\/p>\n<p>Po k\u00ebshtu, konsensusi i vendimmarr\u00ebsve tan\u00eb politik\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyllur shtet-nd\u00ebrtimin e jasht\u00ebm, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb p\u00ebrmes integrimit n\u00eb BE, mbetet kryesisht deklarativ. Gjendja mes regresit e amullis\u00eb n\u00eb zbatimin e reformave drejt stabilitetit politik, shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs dhe ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb tregut tregon se atyre u mungon vet\u00ebdija p\u00ebr r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e konsensusit si parim themelor i vendimmarrjes politike. P\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb kjo tregon se politika, e bazuar n\u00eb norma, p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb konsensusin parim themelor t\u00eb vendimmarrjes politike nuk ka transformuar mend\u00ebsin\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre vendimmarr\u00ebsve. P\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn kjo tregon se vlerat mbizot\u00ebruese t\u00eb tyre bien ndesh me konsensusin si parim t\u00eb till\u00eb, dhe mund t\u00eb ngre dyshime n\u00ebse shtet-nd\u00ebrtimi demokratik \u00ebsht\u00eb fare i mundsh\u00ebm. Akoma m\u00eb komplekse jan\u00eb arsyet ontologjike e k\u00ebsaj mend\u00ebsie dhe cila do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ishte alternativa.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo amulli nuk p\u00ebrmbush pritjet e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb marr\u00eb parasysh konsensusin dhe pritjet e tyre. Sipas\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.rcc.int\/balkanbarometer\/publications\">Barometrit Ballkanik 2020<\/a>, 75% e kosovar\u00ebve e shohin integrimin n\u00eb BE si zhvillim pozitiv, nd\u00ebrsa gjithsej 82% presin q\u00eb integrimi ekonomik me BE-n\u00eb t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb brenda m\u00eb pak se nj\u00eb dekade (38% deri m\u00eb 2025 dhe 44% deri m\u00eb 2030). K\u00ebto dy gjetje bien n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me dy t\u00eb tjera. S\u00eb pari, shumica d\u00ebrrmuese e shohin integrimin n\u00eb BE si t\u00eb shk\u00ebputur nga shtet-nd\u00ebrtimi: 38% si mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb udh\u00ebtuar, 47% si mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb studiuar dhe\/ose punuar n\u00eb BE, dhe 37% si mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr begati ekonomike, nd\u00ebrsa vet\u00ebm 16% i shohin mosmarr\u00ebveshjet politike si problem. S\u00eb dyti, vet\u00ebm 16% e shohin pozitivisht rolin e bashk\u00ebpunimit rajonal.<\/p>\n<p><em>*Pik\u00ebpamjet e shprehura jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb autorit.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Konsensusi si parim themelor i vendimmarrjes determinon marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet tona politike me Bashkimin Evropian. Por, ai shpesh shihet ngusht\u00ebsisht dhe i shk\u00ebputur nga interesat. Prandaj duhet pasur parasysh se ka tri nivele, shpesh kund\u00ebrth\u00ebn\u00ebs, t\u00eb konsensusit: nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, n\u00eb vendimmarrjen e brendshme dhe n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. Kosova akoma \u00ebsht\u00eb shtet \u2018i pap\u00ebrfunduar\u2019 n\u00eb aspektin e jasht\u00ebm, n\u00eb kuptimin [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":469,"featured_media":7972,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[672,664],"ppma_author":[1190],"class_list":["post-4882","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-eu","tag-kosovo"],"authors":[{"term_id":1190,"user_id":469,"is_guest":0,"slug":"artan-qollaku","display_name":"Artan \u00c7ollaku","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/8a4d7e153604cf729156e6520a24eaee4813927d60bdc6e30ab63747b36f274e?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"\u00c7ollaku","first_name":"Artan","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4882","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/469"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4882"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4882\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8240,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4882\/revisions\/8240"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7972"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4882"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4882"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4882"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4882"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}