Rusia vazhdon ta p\u00ebrdor\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e per\u00ebndimit p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/a><\/p>\nNd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb beteja me shpejt\u00ebsi u zgjerua edhe n\u00eb fronte (rajone) t\u00eb tjera, kryesisht n\u00eb form\u00ebn e betejave mes pal\u00ebve t\u00eb treta, t\u00eb cilat mb\u00ebshteten qoft\u00eb nga Rusia apo nga per\u00ebndimi (t\u00eb ashtuquajturat \u201cluft\u00ebrat proxy\u201d).<\/p>\n
Fronti kryesor tani \u00ebsht\u00eb Siria, ku per\u00ebndimi dhe Rusia pajtohen p\u00ebr nevoj\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb mposhtet Shteti Islamik, por jo edhe p\u00ebr fatin e regjimit t\u00eb Asadit. Rusia dhe Irani duan ta mbajn\u00eb aleatin e tyre me \u00e7do kusht n\u00eb pushtet, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb per\u00ebndimi, Turqia dhe nj\u00eb varg vendesh arabe sunite insistojn\u00eb se ai duhet t\u00eb largohet.<\/p>\n
Duke i provokuar interesat e per\u00ebndimit n\u00eb disa fronte paralelisht, Rusia me egon e saj t\u00eb l\u00ebnduar t\u00eb nj\u00eb ish-perandorie, po mundohet t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb superfuqi e cila nuk do t\u00eb lejoj\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb posht\u00ebrohet p\u00ebrmes zgjerimit t\u00eb interesave per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb sferat e saja tradicionale t\u00eb interesit. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht d\u00ebshiron t\u2019i k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoj\u00eb edhe satelit\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb saj q\u00eb t\u00eb mos guxojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebrisin hapin e Ukrain\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr per\u00ebndimi \u00ebsht\u00eb i vendosur q\u00eb t\u00eb mos e toleroj\u00eb shantazhin rus n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, prandaj, mes tjerash, ka miratuar edhe sanksione t\u00eb gj\u00ebra ekonomike ndaj Rusis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Teksa superfuqit\u00eb po luajn\u00eb shah mbi hart\u00ebn e bot\u00ebs, duke ia treguar dh\u00ebmb\u00ebt nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs n\u00eb nj\u00eb rreth vicioz, stabiliteti i rendit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb aq i brisht\u00eb saq\u00eb disa madje alarmojn\u00eb p\u00ebr mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e nj\u00eb Lufte t\u00eb Tret\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n
Ku q\u00ebndron Ballkani n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mes? P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb pambyllura q\u00eb mbeten burim tensionesh etnike (sidomos n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb, Kosov\u00eb dhe Maqedoni), rajoni yn\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb pik\u00eb nevralgjike e cila shum\u00eb leht\u00eb mund t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb frontin e ri t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ndeshjeje t\u00eb superfuqive.<\/p>\n
Prandaj, vizitat dhe retorika e sekretarit Kerry n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe Serbi (n\u00eb takimin e OSBE-s\u00eb), e sidomos ftesa q\u00eb iu dha Malit t\u00eb Zi p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb NATO, duhet t\u00eb lexohen edhe brenda k\u00ebtij konteksti t\u00eb polarizimit n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n
Ato tregojn\u00eb se ekziston nj\u00ebfar\u00eb ndjeshm\u00ebrie n\u00eb per\u00ebndim p\u00ebr faktin se rajoni yn\u00eb, duke qen\u00eb n\u00eb Europ\u00eb dhe duke qen\u00eb burim problemesh n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn e af\u00ebrt, mbetet me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi strategjike. Nuk jemi rajon prioritar n\u00eb agjend\u00ebn e sotme me shum\u00eb vatra aktive krizash. Por kuptohet potenciali jon\u00eb shp\u00ebrthyes, sidomos n\u00eb rastin e ndonj\u00eb provokimi t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Se Ballkani mbetet nj\u00eb front i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb, k\u00ebt\u00eb e tregoi edhe reagimi ndaj ftes\u00ebs s\u00eb NATO-s p\u00ebr Malin e Zi. Kjo ftes\u00eb ndaj nj\u00eb aleati t\u00eb dikursh\u00ebm tradicional u cil\u00ebsua si \u201cprovokim\u201d, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin \u201cdo t\u00eb kishte pasoja\u201d. Para nj\u00eb muaji, n\u00eb Podgoric\u00eb madje shp\u00ebrthyen protesta t\u00eb dhunshme anti-qeveritare, t\u00eb nxitura n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe nga qarqet e mb\u00ebshtetura prej Rusis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Edhe zhvillimet e k\u00ebsaj pranvere n\u00eb Maqedoni, ku desh u nxit nj\u00eb konflikt etnik dhe qytetar, u konsideruan prej analist\u00ebve si pjes\u00eb e ndeshjes mes t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjve, teksa Rusia u reshtua haptas prapa Gruevskit nd\u00ebrsa per\u00ebndimi prapa opozit\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat motive t\u00eb ruajt\u00ebs s\u00eb sfer\u00ebs s\u00eb vet t\u00eb interesit n\u00eb rajon, Rusia vazhdon t\u2019i jap\u00eb prioritet patronazhit mbi Serbin\u00eb. Kjo u d\u00ebshmua me faktin se ministri i jasht\u00ebm rus Lavrov, n\u00eb mesin e gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj zallamahie bot\u00ebrore, personalisht harxhoi nj\u00eb jav\u00eb koh\u00eb n\u00eb Paris p\u00ebr ta sabotuar p\u00ebrpjekjen e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u2019u an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuar n\u00eb UNESCO.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb fakt, kryeministri i Serbis\u00eb Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb duke e p\u00ebrdorur mjesht\u00ebrisht polarizimin mes per\u00ebndimit dhe Rusis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb maksimumin p\u00ebr agjend\u00ebn e tij n\u00eb raport me Kosov\u00ebn. Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 i \u00ebsht\u00eb rikthyer loj\u00ebs s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb t\u00eb Titos \u2013 pozicionimit si nj\u00eb shtet konstruktiv n\u00eb mes t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebve, i cili p\u00ebrfiton mb\u00ebshtetje prej t\u00eb dyjave p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb strategjike t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Per\u00ebndimi detyrohet q\u00eb Serbin\u00eb ta marr\u00eb me t\u00eb mir\u00eb, me synimin p\u00ebr ta afruar drejt vetes, prandaj edhe ia toleron afrin\u00eb me Rusin\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201clidhjeve historike\u201d (psh. Serbia nuk u detyrua q\u00eb t\u00eb harmonizoj\u00eb politik\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb jashtme me BE-n\u00eb dhe t\u2019i miratoj\u00eb sanksionet ndaj Rusis\u00eb).<\/p>\n
Si rrjedhoj\u00eb, n\u00eb raport me neve, Serbia mund t\u00eb llogaris\u00eb edhe n\u00eb mir\u00ebkuptimin e per\u00ebndimit p\u00ebr mosnjohjen e menj\u00ebhershme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, edhe n\u00eb veton e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara. Pra, ky kontekst i polarizimit per\u00ebndim-Rusi sot e ka krijuar nj\u00eb rrethan\u00eb favorizuese p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, e gjith\u00eb kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb, ashtu si\u00e7 pretendojn\u00eb cinik\u00ebt anti-per\u00ebndimor\u00eb n\u00eb mesin ton\u00eb, shum\u00eb prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve p\u00ebr arsye ideologjike u pengon patronazhi per\u00ebndimor mbi Kosov\u00ebn, se tani Serbia \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr per\u00ebndimin se Kosova, apo se ne tani do t\u00eb lihemi anash.<\/p>\n
Kjo vet\u00ebm do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se ne duhet t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb rrug\u00eb politike dhe diplomatike p\u00ebr ta imponuar agjend\u00ebn ton\u00eb n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb ndryshuara, pa hyr\u00eb n\u00eb aventura adoleshente.<\/p>\n
Parakusht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb imponim t\u00eb agjend\u00ebs son\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb fillimisht t\u00eb kuptohen mir\u00eb interesat strategjike t\u00eb per\u00ebndimit dhe ato t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb rreth Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb opinionin ton\u00eb publik k\u00ebto interesa po keqkuptohen n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, kryesisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb popullaritetit t\u00eb bot\u00ebkuptimeve paranojake t\u00eb Albin Kurtit. Keqkuptimi i k\u00ebtyre interesave po e \u00e7on shum\u00ebk\u00ebnd q\u00eb t\u00eb propozoj\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje rebeluese pa krye n\u00eb raport me partner\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Duhet t\u00eb kthehemi dhe t\u00eb kujtohemi se cili \u00ebsht\u00eb funksioni i negociatave t\u00eb Brukselit p\u00ebr per\u00ebndimin. Ato jan\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm pragmatik p\u00ebr t\u2019i arritur paralelisht dy synimet strategjike t\u00eb per\u00ebndimit \u2013 afrimin e Serbis\u00eb drejt BE-s\u00eb dhe konsolidimin (nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm) t\u00eb shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. K\u00ebsisoj fatet e vendeve tona jan\u00eb lidhur n\u00eb nyje \u2013 Serbia p\u00ebrmes Rusis\u00eb e ka n\u00eb dor\u00eb njohjen ton\u00eb n\u00eb Kombet e Bashkuara, nd\u00ebrsa ne p\u00ebrmes shteteve per\u00ebndimore e kemi n\u00eb duar fatin europian t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Se ky proces e ka p\u00ebr synim p\u00ebrfundimtar konsolidimin e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb son\u00eb, k\u00ebt\u00eb e d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb edhe kushtet q\u00eb gradualisht po i imponohen Serbis\u00eb si pjes\u00eb e negociatave p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE, gjegj\u00ebsisht ato p\u00ebr kapitullin 35, t\u00eb cilat do ta detyrojn\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb de facto ta njoh\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn brenda kufijve t\u00eb sot\u00ebm shtet\u00ebror dhe q\u00eb t\u2019i shpartalloj\u00eb strukturat e veta administrative n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Marr\u00ebveshjet e ve\u00e7anta t\u00eb procesit t\u00eb negociatave, si ajo p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb e komunave serbe, t\u00eb cilat opozita konsideron se po \u00e7ojn\u00eb drejt bosnj\u00ebzimit, n\u00eb fakt jan\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht beninje dhe nuk e p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb thelbin e problemit n\u00eb negociatat e Brukselit.<\/p>\n
Vul\u00ebn e garancis\u00eb p\u00ebr asociacionin e dha edhe Keri kur tha se SHBA-t\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb interes q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruaj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb cilat e cenojn\u00eb sovranitetin e vendit. Askujt, e sidomos jo per\u00ebndimit, nuk i duhet edhe nj\u00eb monst\u00ebr institucionale si Bosnja q\u00eb e mban Ballkanin si fu\u00e7i t\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme baruti.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00ebsoj si interesi i per\u00ebndimit, n\u00eb qarqet opozitare po keqkuptohet edhe interesi i Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto negociata. Nuk jan\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjet specifike si ato p\u00ebr asociacionin ku Serbia synon t\u2019i \u201ckorr p\u00ebrfitimet\u201d prej \u201cshitjes\u201d s\u00eb vet te per\u00ebndimi.<\/p>\n
Nuk ka nevoj\u00eb Serbia ta rris\u00eb ndikimin e vet n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb p\u00ebrmes marr\u00ebveshjeve, sepse k\u00ebt\u00eb ndikim e ka t\u00eb bollsh\u00ebm me Pakon e Ahtisaarit p\u00ebrmes List\u00ebs Srpska dhe kompetencave komunale. N\u00eb negociata ajo madje po b\u00ebn l\u00ebshime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha (t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb let\u00ebr), p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilave de facto e njeh autoritetin e institucioneve tona.<\/p>\n
Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb se Serbia negociatat po i p\u00ebrdor\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb bler\u00eb koh\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar imazh t\u00eb pal\u00ebs konstruktive n\u00eb per\u00ebndim, p\u00ebr zvarritur aq sa mundet n\u00eb zbatim dhe – kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja – p\u00ebr ta shtyr\u00eb aq sa mundet zgjidhjen p\u00ebrfundimtare dhe t\u00eb paevitueshme t\u00eb njohjes.<\/p>\n
Ajo llogarit\u00eb se duke e ruajtur sa m\u00eb gjat\u00eb \u201ctapin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare\u201d mbi Kosov\u00ebn, e mban n\u00eb dor\u00eb nj\u00eb lev\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb shk\u00ebmbimi me per\u00ebndimin, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn do ta p\u00ebrdor\u00eb kur t\u00eb vij\u00eb koha p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrshpejtuar integrimin e saj n\u00eb BE, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb synimi i saj i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb strategjik.<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe arsyeja p\u00ebrse Serbia kund\u00ebrshtimin e saj m\u00eb t\u00eb madh sot nuk e ka ndaj marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb cilat e rregullojn\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn nga brenda. Kund\u00ebrshtin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe e ka pik\u00ebrisht ndaj nismave t\u00eb cilat do t\u2019ia largonin prej dor\u00ebs \u201ctapin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare\u201d, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb UNESCO apo n\u00eb ato lloj organizatash q\u00eb do t\u00eb na profilizonin si shtet n\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n
Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb opinioni yn\u00eb publik \u00ebsht\u00eb i fiksuar pas \u201cZajednic\u00ebs\u201d, fitorja e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb procesin e Brukselit \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti se ai deri m\u00eb tani nuk i ka sjell\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs asgj\u00eb nga premtimi i pranimit n\u00eb organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, i cili n\u00eb fakt duhej t\u00eb ishte shp\u00ebrblimi p\u00ebr durimin ton\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Bllokimi i Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb rastet si ai i UNESCO-s, e jo \u00e7\u00ebshtjet si \u201cZajednica\u201d, duhej t\u00eb ishte vija e kuqe p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn do t\u00eb duhej kusht\u00ebzuar pjes\u00ebmarrja jon\u00eb n\u00eb negociata.<\/p>\n
Prandaj mungesa e \u00e7far\u00ebdo reagimi prej institucioneve tona pas votimit n\u00eb UNESCO, p\u00ebrmes, ta z\u00ebm\u00eb, suspendimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjes n\u00eb negociata deri n\u00eb ndalimin e sabotimit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, tregon se opozita nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e vetmja q\u00eb ka pozicion irracional p\u00ebr negociatat. P\u00ebrderisa opozita e tepron me reagime aty ku nuk duhet, binomi Mustafa-Tha\u00e7i i ngjan nj\u00eb muskuli t\u00eb mpir\u00eb apo t\u00eb atrofuar, q\u00eb nuk ndjen asgj\u00eb e nuk reagon as edhe kur duhet.<\/p>\n
E gjith\u00eb kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se alternativ\u00eb ndaj qasjes s\u00eb qeveris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shantazhimi i sponsor\u00ebve tan\u00eb t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebrmes retorik\u00ebs boshe dhe nj\u00eb popullzimi alla-Syriza, cili rrezikon t\u00eb shemb ura me partner\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb. Alternativ\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb fuqizimi i k\u00ebtij partneriteti, si forma e vetme q\u00eb ne e kemi p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrmbysur asimetrin\u00eb e fuqis\u00eb me Serbin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb kur thot\u00eb, n\u00eb argumentimin e saj kund\u00ebr negociatave me Serbin\u00eb, se raporti yn\u00eb i fuqis\u00eb me Serbin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb asimetrik, sepse ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb shtet plot\u00ebsisht i njohur nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht dhe ne nuk jemi.<\/p>\n
Por ajo e ka kat\u00ebr\u00e7ip\u00ebrisht gabim kur mendon se kjo asimetri ekziston n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces negocimi ku arbit\u00ebr jan\u00eb shtetet e fuqishme q\u00eb na njohin dhe q\u00eb kan\u00eb fuqi kusht\u00ebzuese mbi Serbin\u00eb. Asimetria e fuqis\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast p\u00ebrmbyset n\u00eb favor t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, ashtu si\u00e7 u d\u00ebshmua n\u00eb rastin e negociatave t\u00eb Rambujes\u00eb dhe Vjen\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Por kjo asimetri p\u00ebrmbyset n\u00eb favor tonin vet\u00ebm kur ne jemi n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn linj\u00eb me fuqit\u00eb per\u00ebndimore, e jo n\u00eb pozit\u00eb konfrontimi me to. Kjo vlen sidomos n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb kur Serbia po p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb afrohet me per\u00ebndimin (nj\u00eb dallim esencial ky me negociatat e Vjen\u00ebs dhe Rambujes\u00eb).<\/p>\n
Prandaj edhe e vetmja rrug\u00ebdalje, sidomos n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb polarizimi mes per\u00ebndimit e Rusis\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmes forcimit t\u00eb partneritetit me per\u00ebndimin dhe sfidimit t\u00eb loj\u00ebs s\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb. Forcimi i partneritetit nuk n\u00ebnkupton m\u00eb shum\u00eb servilitet dhe n\u00ebnshtrim, si\u00e7 pretendojn\u00eb cinik\u00ebt anti-per\u00ebndimor\u00eb, dhe as pritjen se dikush tjet\u00ebr i mbron interesat tona m\u00eb shum\u00eb se ne.<\/p>\n
Forcimi i partneritetit thjesht n\u00ebnkupton, n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, moskontestimin e strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme dhe procesit gradual t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar prej per\u00ebndimit, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb i dizajnuar asisoj q\u00eb ne n\u00eb fund t\u00eb jemi fitues, ashtu si\u00e7 kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha proceset e m\u00ebparshme negociatore.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00eb ky forcim i partneritetit n\u00ebnkupton krijimin e hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb jemi m\u00eb efektiv dhe m\u00eb k\u00ebrkues brenda proceseve ekzistuese. Pra n\u00ebnkupton se n\u00eb rastet si ky i fundit me UNESCO-n ne t\u00eb mund t\u00eb jemi n\u00eb pozit\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb di\u00e7ka si kompensim, si kusht p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrjen e m\u00ebtutjeshme n\u00eb negociata, e t\u00eb mos mbesim n\u00eb pozit\u00ebn e qyqanit q\u00eb pranon gjith\u00e7ka.<\/p>\n
Por p\u00ebr ta arritur k\u00ebt\u00eb fuqi imponuese me per\u00ebndimin, parakusht \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kthehemi n\u00eb partner m\u00eb t\u00eb respektuesh\u00ebm, e jo n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb burim t\u00eb pashtersh\u00ebm problemesh, q\u00eb per\u00ebndimin e konsideron zjarrfik\u00ebs luft\u00ebrash t\u00eb brendshme.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb respektuesh\u00ebm k\u00ebrkohet nj\u00eb elit\u00eb politike me mend\u00ebsi t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtuese e cili do t\u00eb g\u00ebzonte respekt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar – gj\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn, me koalicionin e sot\u00ebm n\u00eb pushtet, nuk e kemi.<\/p>\n
K\u00ebrkohet nj\u00eb opozit\u00eb q\u00eb do ta ofronte nj\u00eb alternative m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb qeverisjeje, e cila do t\u00eb premtonte se do ta luante loj\u00ebn e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb n\u00eb rrafshin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, por m\u00eb mir\u00eb. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, as k\u00ebt\u00eb opozit\u00eb nuk do ta kemi, p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb ideologjin\u00eb e saj e udh\u00ebheq logjika paranojake e letrave nga burgu.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
N\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn ton\u00eb mediatike, ku Kosova trajtohet si qend\u00ebr e bot\u00ebs, vizita e sekretarit amerikan t\u00eb shtetit Xhon Keri u analizua kryesisht n\u00eb aspektin e ndikimin t\u00eb saj p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e konfliktit ton\u00eb t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm politik. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb dimension t\u00eb vizit\u00ebs nuk ka se \u00e7ka t\u00eb thuhet m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa vet\u00eb porosit\u00eb q\u00eb i dha […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":438,"featured_media":9047,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[10,1236,664,12],"ppma_author":[985],"class_list":["post-4903","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dialogu","tag-kosove-serbi","tag-kosovo","tag-serbia"],"authors":[{"term_id":985,"user_id":438,"is_guest":0,"slug":"agon-maliqi","display_name":"Agon Maliqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Maliqi","first_name":"Agon","description":"Agon Maliqi \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, analist dhe aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile nga Prishtina, me banim n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb. Prej disa vitesh ai punon si k\u00ebshill\u00ebtar dhe studies i pavarur i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, paqes dhe demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mori institutesh, organizatash dhe mediash vendase dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00eb\u00ebtare. Si aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr thuajse 20 vite, zt. Maliqi mes tjerash ka qen\u00eb bashk\u00ebthemelues dhe drejtues per disa vite i platform\u00ebs sbunker. N\u00eb vitin 2019 ai q\u00ebndroi p\u00ebr gjysm\u00eb viti n\u00eb Uashington D.C si p\u00ebrfitues i Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fello\u00ebship n\u00eb Fondin Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Demokracis\u00eb (NED) n\u00eb SHBA. Sot ai \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Grupit Strategjik p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Fondacionit Heinrich B\u00f6ll (HBS) me baz\u00eb n\u00eb Berlin; pjes\u00eb e Task Forc\u00ebs rajonale t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Institutit Republikan Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (IRI) dhe an\u00ebtar i Koalicionit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr Rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritje Demokratike (ICDR) t\u00eb Forumit 2000 n\u00eb Prag\u00eb. Zt. Maliqi ka mbaruar studimet master p\u00ebr politikat e zhvillimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb Duke University (SHBA) dhe ato bachelor p\u00ebr shkenca politike dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin Amerikan n\u00eb Bullgari."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4903","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/438"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4903"}],"version-history":[{"count":7,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4903\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9618,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4903\/revisions\/9618"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9047"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4903"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4903"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4903"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4903"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}