Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7liruar, administruar dhe pavar\u00ebsuar n\u00ebp\u00ebrmes nj\u00ebqind betejave. Jo nj\u00eb lufte t\u00eb vetme. K\u00ebto beteja nuk i kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb viteve 90-ta k\u00ebrkesa maksimaliste politike e Kosov\u00ebs ishte \u00e7lirimi pa luft\u00eb. Serbia ishte brenda Kosov\u00ebs. Pas 99-t\u00ebs, k\u00ebrkesa maksimaliste e Kosov\u00ebs ishte \u2018Kushtetuta\u2019 dhe jo \u2018Korniza Kushtetuese\u2019. Serbia ishte jasht\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por serb\u00ebt kishin filluar procesin e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb institucioneve paralele. Pas pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, k\u00ebrkesa maksimaliste ishte sovranitet i plot\u00eb. Serb\u00ebt tashm\u00eb pjes\u00ebrisht kishin treguar indicie t\u00eb mjaftueshme integruse n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb dy dekadave t\u00eb fundit, Kosova ka b\u00ebr\u00eb hapa dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs ndon\u00ebse asnj\u00eb prej k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb saj maksimaliste nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb realizuar n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e artikulimit t\u00eb tyre. N\u00eb politik\u00eb, q\u00ebllimet maksimaliste v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se arrihen me mjete minimaliste.<\/p>\n
Gjat\u00eb viteve 90\u2019ta, p\u00ebrmes qasjes paqesore, LDK-ja ishte bart\u00ebse e projektit maksimalist t\u00eb \u00e7lirimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs pa luft\u00eb. Ky projekt u kontestua dhe, paralelisht k\u00ebsaj, organizimi i luft\u00ebs \u00e7lirimtare t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, solli intervenimin e NATO-s\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, pa\u00e7ka Kosova nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb \u00e7lirohej. Vendosja e administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb UNMIK-ut pasoi me krijimin e infrastuktur\u00ebs dhe mekanizmave institucional si K\u00ebshilli Tranzitor i Kosov\u00ebs dhe K\u00ebshilli i P\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm Administrativ. N\u00eb vitin 2001, Kosova u b\u00eb me \u2018Korniz\u00eb Kushtetuese\u2019. Debati maksimalist i PDK-se, e cila n\u00eb zgjedhjet lokale i kishte humbur zgjedhjet, ishte q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb quhet Kushtetut\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs. PDK fokusohej n\u00eb terminologjin\u00eb problematike q\u00eb ishte adoptuar brenda k\u00ebsaj Kornize, si, fjala vjen, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb termit qytetar p\u00ebrdorej termi banor, mungesa e referendimit etj. Madje, deri n\u00eb fund, PDK-ja kishte refuzuar q\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkrunte k\u00ebt\u00eb Korniz\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kornize, ndon\u00ebse aparati terminologjik i saj nuk i referohej nj\u00eb shteti, u organizuan zgjedhjet, u nd\u00ebrtuan institucionet, dhe Kosova u b\u00eb gati p\u00ebr ta qeverisur vetveten.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrmbushja e standardave para statusit, projekt ky i lansuar m\u00eb 2003 nga UNMIK-u n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, \u00e7oi Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb negociata n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb. K\u00ebrkesa e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb akter\u00ebve politik gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtij procesi ishte pavar\u00ebsia dhe sovraniteti i plot\u00eb. Si rezultat i k\u00ebtij procesi, m\u00eb 2007 Plani i Ahtisaari propozi pavar\u00ebsi t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrur dhe t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb zgjeruara p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt. Nj\u00eb kerkes\u00eb maksimaliste e 1991 u realizua pjes\u00ebrisht me 2008. Ky plan natyrisht se nuk i p\u00ebrmbushte k\u00ebrkesat maksimaliste t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, dhe L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje kund\u00ebrshtonte k\u00ebt\u00eb plan. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr faktit se ky plan nuk realizonte n\u00eb plotni k\u00ebrkesat e shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij plani Kosova shpalli pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj, duke e integruar thelbin e k\u00ebtij plani n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebn e saj. Kosova u b\u00eb me Kushtetut\u00eb t\u00eb re, e cila e themelonte Kosov\u00ebn si shoq\u00ebri multietnike.\u00a0 Nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb maksimaliste e 2001 q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb kishte kushtetut\u00eb, u realizua me 2008. Kosova tregoi maturi duke zbatuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme t\u00eb drejtat q\u00eb plani i Ahtisaarit iu kishte dh\u00ebn\u00eb komunave serbe p\u00ebrmes procesit t\u00eb decentralizimit. Edhe integrimi i serb\u00ebve n\u00eb institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs nuk mund t\u00eb krahasohej me Kosov\u00ebn e pas luft\u00ebs. Mbik\u00ebqyrja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs morri fund m\u00eb 2012, ndon\u00ebse p\u00ebrs\u00ebri Kosova dhe as partner\u00ebt mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebs nuk kishin arritur q\u00eb t\u00eb zbatonin planin e Ahtisaarit n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebtij fakti, Kosova u njoh nga nj\u00eb num\u00ebr jo i vog\u00ebl i shteteve, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb ato m\u00eb demokratike sot.<\/p>\n
Rezistenca e Serbis\u00eb q\u00eb ta kontestoj shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs u konkretizua p\u00ebrmes opinionit t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cilit opinion pavar\u00ebsia dhe sovraniteti i Kosov\u00ebs, thuhej shprehimisht, ishin n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. P\u00ebr dallim prej pjes\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb serb\u00ebve, serb\u00ebt n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs tregonin pak shenja integruese n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Serbia kishte investuar fuqish\u00ebm n\u00eb at\u00eb pjes\u00eb duke shpenzuar mbi 200 million euro n\u00eb vjet n\u00eb rroga dhe m\u00ebditje. Kosova do t\u00eb detyrohej t\u00eb futej edhe nj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb process t\u00eb gjat\u00eb negociimi me Serbin\u00eb, p\u00ebrmes bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, p\u00ebr t\u00eb adresuar k\u00ebt\u00eb problem.\u00a0 M\u00eb 2013, me nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsim t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian, Kosova dhe Serbia do t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruajn\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen e par\u00eb t\u00eb parimeve p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Kosov\u00eb \u2013 Serbi, thelbi i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs marr\u00ebveshje ju jep serb\u00ebve t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e themelimit t\u00eb Asociacionit t\u00eb Komunave Serbe. Marr\u00ebveshja u ratifikuar p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb ligji t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb n\u00eb Kuvend.<\/p>\n
L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje kontesoi si antikushtetuese k\u00ebt\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje, por Gjykata Kushtetutese e Kosov\u00ebs kishte konkluduar se formalisht marr\u00ebveshja \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me Kushtetut\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs, dhe kishte refuzuar q\u00eb jap mendim rreth p\u00ebrmbatjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes. N\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebveshje, nj\u00eb derivat tjet\u00ebr i k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebveshje \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar nga kryeministri i Kosov\u00ebs m\u00eb 2015. K\u00ebrkesat maksimaliste e opozit\u00ebs jan\u00eb t\u00ebrheqja e n\u00ebnshkrimit nga kjo marr\u00ebveshje, ose dor\u00ebheqja e qeveris\u00eb. Q\u00ebndrimi maksimalist i VV-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00ebrheqje nga kjo marr\u00ebveshje \u00ebsht\u00eb konsistent, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb konsistent pika referente e saj \u2013 Plani i Ahtisaarit, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn VV e ka konsideruar si t\u00eb papranuesh\u00ebm. Q\u00ebndrimi i AAK-s\u00eb, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, \u00ebsht\u00eb inkonsistent, p\u00ebr faktin se vet\u00eb AAK, ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb opozit\u00eb, ka qen\u00eb e p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb procesin e dialout Kosov\u00eb-Serbi p\u00ebrmes n\u00ebnkryetarit t\u00eb saj, si\u00e7 nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb konsistent as q\u00ebndrimi i NISMA-s\u00eb, nism\u00ebtar\u00ebt e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur ishin figura ky\u00e7e n\u00eb PDK para se t\u00eb themeloheshin si pari politike, nuk e kishin kontestuar asnj\u00ebher\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen e 19 prillit.<\/p>\n
Kosova ka p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb OJQ. Pasojat e t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb n\u00ebnshkrimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nga kjo marr\u00ebveshje nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb barabarta me pasojat e t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb n\u00ebnshkrimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb OJQ nga nj\u00eb partneritet, ose t\u00eb pale nga nj\u00eb kontrat\u00eb. Edhe n\u00eb kontratat m\u00eb bazike mes personave privat, t\u00ebrheqja e nj\u00ebanshme e n\u00ebnshkrimit ka pasoja jo vet\u00ebm juridike, por edhe financiare. Kosova ka k\u00ebt\u00eb rregullim kushtetues q\u00eb e ka. Gjykata Kushtetuese ka argumentuar se ajo nuk ka kompetenca q\u00eb t\u00eb interpretoj p\u00ebrmbatjen e marr\u00ebveshjeve nd\u00ebrkom\u00ebbtare, por vet\u00ebm procedur\u00ebn e ratifikimit t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb Kuvend. Kjo praktik\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shpikur p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Gjykatat Kushtetuese n\u00eb shum\u00eb vendeve demokratike ndjekin t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn logjik\u00eb t\u00eb kushtetutshm\u00ebris\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, ka shum\u00eb aspekte q\u00eb opozita mund dhe duhet t\u00eb kontribuoj. Procesi nuk ka mbaruar. Pjesa m\u00eb dometh\u00ebnese do t\u00eb jet\u00eb rregullimi statutor i asociacionit.<\/p>\n
Statuti i Asociacionit duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me Ligjin p\u00ebr Vet\u00ebqeverisje Lokale dhe Ligjin p\u00ebr Bashk\u00ebpunim Nd\u00ebrkomunal. Pozita dhe opozita duhet ta interpretojn\u00eb germ\u00ebn dhe frym\u00ebn e ligjit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Sipas ligjeve n\u00eb fuqi n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, komunat nuk kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb delegojn\u00eb kompetencat primare (si planifikimi urban, zhvillimi ekonomik etj.) tek asnj\u00eb asociacion. K\u00ebto kompetenca sipas legjislacionit ton\u00eb jan\u00eb komptenca t\u00eb komunave dhe t\u00eb asnj\u00eb organizimi tjet\u00ebr politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. P\u00ebrmbatja e Stautit t\u00eb Asociacionit t\u00eb Komunave Serbe duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb thelbi i dialogut politik pozit\u00eb – opozit\u00eb. N\u00ebse q\u00ebllimi maksimum i opozit\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb sovraniteti i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb aspektin afatgjat\u00eb. Dhe jo alternimi i pushtetit dhe hasm\u00ebria me t\u00eb gjitha ata q\u00eb akter\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn me k\u00ebrthiz\u00eb, me shtet, pra. Prandaj, pozita e opozita, duhet ta kuptojn\u00eb se Kosova nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb Robinson Kruzo. Izolimi i Kosov\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhja. Dialogu dhe bashk\u00ebpunimi i brendsh\u00ebm dhe i jasht\u00ebm, po. Betejat p\u00ebr konsolidimin e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs vazhdojn\u00eb. K\u00ebto beteja as nuk mund t\u2019i b\u00ebjm\u00eb dhe as nuk mund t\u2019i fitojm\u00eb pa bashk\u00ebpunim nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n
_________________<\/p>\n
Ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb ribotuar nga redaksia pas nj\u00eb t\u00ebrheqje p\u00ebr shkaqe teknike.<\/strong><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7liruar, administruar dhe pavar\u00ebsuar n\u00ebp\u00ebrmes nj\u00ebqind betejave. Jo nj\u00eb lufte t\u00eb vetme. K\u00ebto beteja nuk i kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb vet\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb viteve 90-ta k\u00ebrkesa maksimaliste politike e Kosov\u00ebs ishte \u00e7lirimi pa luft\u00eb. Serbia ishte brenda Kosov\u00ebs. Pas 99-t\u00ebs, k\u00ebrkesa maksimaliste e Kosov\u00ebs ishte \u2018Kushtetuta\u2019 dhe jo \u2018Korniza Kushtetuese\u2019. Serbia ishte jasht\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por serb\u00ebt […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":43,"featured_media":11217,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[664],"ppma_author":[53],"class_list":["post-501","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kosovo"],"authors":[{"term_id":53,"user_id":43,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adem-beha","display_name":"Adem Beha","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/C477C28E-1E6C-46CB-965F-2493B7413F59.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/C477C28E-1E6C-46CB-965F-2493B7413F59.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Beha","first_name":"Adem","description":"Adem Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Ai p\u00ebrfundoi studimet n\u00eb Shkenc\u00eb Politike dhe Administrat\u00eb Publike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs dhe ka diplomuar n\u00eb master n\u00eb programin Shoq\u00ebria Civile dhe Zhvillim Lokal nga Universiteti i Prishtin\u00ebs, Universiteti i Grazit dhe Universiteti Komb\u00ebtar i Irland\u00ebs n\u00eb Galway. Momentalisht, Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim t\u00eb studimeve t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenc\u00ebn politike n\u00eb SEEU. Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhuar si trajner, konsulent, dhe hulumtues n\u00eb organizata t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile vendore dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb UBO Consulting, KOPF, REF, KIP, CPC dhe Fondacionin Peace Berghof. Interesimet e tij k\u00ebrkimore p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb: transformimi i konflikteve, siguria njer\u00ebzore, shtet-nd\u00ebrtimi dhe nd\u00ebrtimi i paqes, t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave dhe zhvillimi i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/501","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/43"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=501"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/501\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":502,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/501\/revisions\/502"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11217"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=501"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=501"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=501"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=501"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}