{"id":5012,"date":"2016-09-04T11:32:54","date_gmt":"2016-09-04T09:32:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5012"},"modified":"2024-11-13T11:35:33","modified_gmt":"2024-11-13T09:35:33","slug":"abdikimi-i-se-majtes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/abdikimi-i-se-majtes\/","title":{"rendered":"Abdikimi i s\u00eb majt\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Nd\u00ebrsa bota po shkundet nga tronditja Brexit, p\u00ebr ekonomist\u00ebt dhe politikb\u00ebr\u00ebsit po b\u00ebhet m\u00eb se evidente se e kan\u00eb n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsuar shum\u00eb brisht\u00ebsin\u00eb politike t\u00eb form\u00ebs aktuale t\u00eb globalizimit. Revolta popullore q\u00eb duket se po ndodh po merr forma t\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshme dhe t\u00eb mbivendosura: ritheksimi i identiteteve lokale dhe komb\u00ebtare, k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr kontroll m\u00eb t\u00eb madh demokratik dhe llogaridh\u00ebnie, refuzimi i partive politike t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs, dhe mosbesimi ndaj elitave dhe ekspert\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Kjo kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrplasje ka qen\u00eb e parashikueshme. Disa ekonomist\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb mua, kan\u00eb\u00a0paralajm\u00ebruar<\/a>\u00a0p\u00ebr pasojat e shtyrjes s\u00eb globalizimit ekonomik p\u00ebrtej kufijve t\u00eb institucioneve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt rregullojn\u00eb, stabilizojn\u00eb dhe legjitimojn\u00eb tregjet. Hiperglobalizimi n\u00eb tregti dhe financa, me q\u00ebllimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar tregje bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb integruara n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb harmonike, i ka g\u00ebrryer nga brenda shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e vendeve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta.<\/p>\n

Befasia m\u00eb e madhe \u00ebsht\u00eb zhvendosja vendimtare kah e djathta q\u00eb ka marr\u00eb ky reagim politik. N\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, jan\u00eb kryesisht popullist\u00ebt nacionalist\u00eb dhe autoktonist\u00eb ata r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur, nd\u00ebrsa e majta po avancon vet\u00ebm n\u00eb pak vende, si Greqia dhe Spanja. N\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, demagogu i djatht\u00eb Donald Trump ka arritur t\u00eb zhvendos\u00eb sistemin e etabluar republikan, nd\u00ebrsa majtisti Bernie Sanders ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb t\u00eb arrij\u00eb ta z\u00eb n\u00eb befasi centristen Hillary Clinton.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 po pranohet pa qejf si pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb konsensusi t\u00eb ri t\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb etabluar, globalizimi thekson ndarjet klasore mes atyre q\u00eb kan\u00eb shkatht\u00ebsi dhe resurse p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar nga tregjet globale dhe atyre q\u00eb nuk i kan\u00eb ato. Ndasit\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura dhe ato klasore, krejt ndryshe nga ndasit\u00eb e identitetit t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb rac\u00eb, etni apo fe, tradicionalisht kan\u00eb\u00a0forcuar<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb majt\u00ebn politike. Pse, at\u00ebher\u00eb, e majta nuk ka arritur t\u00eb sfidoj\u00eb duksh\u00ebm politikisht globalizimin?<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje \u00ebsht\u00eb se imigrimi ka l\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00ebn hije \u2018tronditjet\u2019 e tjera t\u00eb globalizimit. K\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i perceptuar i v\u00ebrshimit, n\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa masive, t\u00eb emigrant\u00ebve dhe refugjat\u00ebve nga vende t\u00eb varfra me tradita shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme kulturore r\u00ebndon ndasit\u00eb e identitetit t\u00eb cilat politikan\u00ebt e ekstremit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb gjenden n\u00eb pozit\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i shfryt\u00ebzojn\u00eb. Prandaj nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb befasi q\u00eb politikan\u00eb djathtist\u00eb nga Trump e deri te Marine Le Pen g\u00ebrshetojn\u00eb mesazhin e tyre t\u00eb ritheksimit t\u00eb kombit me nj\u00eb doz\u00eb t\u00eb pasur t\u00eb simbolizmit anti-mysliman.<\/p>\n

Demokracit\u00eb e Amerik\u00ebs Latine japin nj\u00eb kontrast q\u00eb tregon shum\u00eb. K\u00ebto vende e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuar globalizimin kryesisht si tronditje nga tregtia dhe investimet e jashtme, jo tronditje nga imigrimi. Globalizimi \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb sinonim me t\u00eb ashtuquajturat politika t\u00eb Konsensusit t\u00eb Washingtonit dhe hapjes financare. Imigrimi nga Lindja e Mesme ose Afrika ka mbetur i kufizuar dhe i spikatur pak politikisht. Prandaj kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrplasja populliste n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn Latine \u2013 n\u00eb Brazil, Bolivi, Ekuador, dhe, m\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrimtarja, n\u00eb Venezuel\u00eb \u2013 ka marr\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

I ngjash\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb tregimi n\u00eb dy rastet kryesore q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim nga ringjallja e s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb \u2013 at\u00eb t\u00eb Greqis\u00eb dhe Spanj\u00ebs. N\u00eb Greqi, vij\u00ebn kryesore ndar\u00ebse politike kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb politikat shtr\u00ebnguese t\u00eb imponuara nga ana e institucioneve evropiane dhe Fondit Monetar Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. N\u00eb Spanj\u00eb, shumica e imigrant\u00ebve deri koh\u00ebt e fundit kan\u00eb ardhur nga vendet kulturalisht t\u00eb ngjashme t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs Latine. N\u00eb t\u00eb dy k\u00ebto vende, t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme i ka munguar ai terren i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm q\u00eb e ka pasur gjetk\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por, p\u00ebrvoja n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn Latine dhe Evrop\u00ebn jugore tregon mbase nj\u00eb dob\u00ebsi m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs: munges\u00ebn e nj\u00eb programi t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb riform\u00ebsuar kapitalizmin dhe globalizimin p\u00ebr shekullin e nj\u00ebzetenj\u00ebt\u00eb. Nga Syriza e Greqis\u00eb deri te Partia e Pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve e Brazilit, e majta nuk ka arritur t\u00eb dal\u00eb me ide q\u00eb jan\u00eb ekonomikisht t\u00eb sh\u00ebndosha dhe politikisht me p\u00ebrkrahje popullore, p\u00ebrtej politikave korrigjuese si transferimi i t\u00eb ardhurave.<\/p>\n

Ekonomist\u00eb dhe teknokrat\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs mbajn\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb fajit. N\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb kontribuojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb program t\u00eb till\u00eb, ata kan\u00eb abdikuar shum\u00eb leht\u00ebsisht para fundamentalizmit t\u00eb kan\u00eb dal\u00eb n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb parimeve qendrore t\u00eb tij. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb akoma m\u00eb keq, ata kan\u00eb \u00e7uar kah l\u00ebvizja e hiperglobalizimit n\u00eb momente kritike.<\/p>\n

V\u00ebnia n\u00eb fron e mobilitetit t\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb kapitalit \u2013 n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti t\u00eb llojit afatshkurt\u00ebr t\u00eb tij \u2013 si norm\u00eb politikash nga Bashkimi Evropian, Organizata p\u00ebr Bashk\u00ebpunim Ekonomik dhe Zhvillim, dhe FMN ka qen\u00eb mbase vendimi m\u00eb fatal p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb globale n\u00eb dekadat e fundit. Si\u00e7 ka\u00a0reported<\/a>\u00a0profesori i Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Harvardit p\u00ebr Biznes Rawi Abdelal, kjo p\u00ebrpjekje, \u00ebsht\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr n\u00eb fund t\u00eb viteve 1980 dhe fillim t\u00eb viteve 1990, jo nga ideolog\u00eb t\u00eb tregut t\u00eb lir\u00eb, por nga teknokrat\u00eb francez\u00eb si Jacques Delors (n\u00eb Komisionin Evropian) dhe Henri Chavranski (n\u00eb OBEZh), t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ishin t\u00eb lidhur ngusht\u00eb me Partin\u00eb Socialiste n\u00eb Franc\u00eb. Ngjash\u00ebm, n\u00eb ShBA jan\u00eb teknokrat\u00ebt e lidhur me Partin\u00eb Demokratike m\u00eb kejnsiane, si\u00a0Lawrence Summers<\/a>, ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kan\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr shtytjen drejt derregullimit financiar.<\/p>\n

Teknokrat\u00ebt socialist\u00eb francez\u00eb duket se, nga eksperimenti i d\u00ebshtuar i Mitterrandit me kejnsianiz\u00ebm, n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 1980, kan\u00eb ardhur n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin se menaxhimi ekonomik brenda vendit m\u00eb nuk ishte i mundur, dhe se nuk kishte alternativ\u00eb reale ndaj globalizimit financiar. M\u00eb e mira q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej ishte nxjerrja e rregullave n\u00eb mbar\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn dhe atyre globale n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb lejoheshin vendet e fuqishme si Gjermania apo ShBA q\u00eb t\u00eb impononin rregullat e tyre.<\/p>\n

Lajmi i mir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se vakuumi intelektual brenda s\u00eb majt\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u mbushur, dhe nuk ka m\u00eb asnj\u00eb arsye t\u00eb besohet n\u00eb tiranin\u00eb \u2018nuk ka alternativa\u2019. Politikan\u00ebt e s\u00eb majt\u00ebs kan\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak arsye q\u00eb n\u00eb ekonomi t\u00eb mos mb\u00ebshteten m\u00eb n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e akademik\u00ebve \u2018t\u00eb respektuar\u2019.<\/p>\n

Kini parasysh vet\u00ebm disa shembuj:\u00a0Anat Admati<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0Simon Johnson<\/a>\u00a0kan\u00eb avokuar p\u00ebr reforma radikale bankare\u00eb Thomas Piketty dhe Tony Atkinson kan\u00eb propozuar nj\u00eb list\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb politikash p\u00ebr t\u00eb trajtuar pabarazin\u00eb n\u00eb nivel nacional;\u00a0Mariana Mazzucato<\/a>\u00a0dhe Ha-Joon Chang kan\u00eb shkruar me mendjeholl\u00ebsi mbi at\u00eb se si t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzohet sektori publik p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxitur inovacionin p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs;\u00a0Joseph Stiglitz<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0Jos\u00e9 Antonio Ocampo<\/a>\u00a0kan\u00eb propozuar reforma globale;\u00a0Brad DeLong<\/a>,\u00a0Jeffrey Sachs<\/a>, dhe Lawrence Summers (po i nj\u00ebjti!) kan\u00eb dal\u00eb me argumente pro investimeve publike afatgjata n\u00eb infrastruktur\u00eb dhe ekonomin\u00eb e gjelb\u00ebr. Kemi mjaft element\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje ekonomike programatike nga e majta.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb dallim ky\u00e7 mes t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb majt\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb se e djathta lul\u00ebzon n\u00eb ndarjet n\u00eb thellim e sip\u00ebr n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri \u2013 \u2018ne\u2019 kundrejt \u2018atyre\u2019 \u2013 nd\u00ebrsa e majta, n\u00eb ato raste kur ka sukses, i kap\u00ebrcen k\u00ebto ndasi p\u00ebrmes reformave q\u00eb i tejkalojn\u00eb ato. S\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi paradoksi sipas t\u00eb cilit val\u00ebt e m\u00ebparshme t\u00eb reformave nga e majta \u2013 kejnsianizmi, demokracia sociale, shteti i mir\u00ebqenies \u2013 e kan\u00eb mbrojtur kapitalizmin nga vetvetja dhe gjithashtu e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb veten t\u00eb panevojshme. Edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjeje t\u00eb till\u00eb, hap\u00ebsira do t\u00eb mbetet e hapur p\u00ebr populist\u00eb dhe grupe t\u00eb ekstremit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt do t\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb bot\u00ebn \u2013 si\u00e7 kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb \u00e7doher\u00eb \u2013 drejt ndarjeve m\u00eb t\u00eb thella dhe konflikteve m\u00eb t\u00eb shpeshta.<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal nga\u00a0Project Syndicate\u00a0\u00a9<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Nd\u00ebrsa bota po shkundet nga tronditja Brexit, p\u00ebr ekonomist\u00ebt dhe politikb\u00ebr\u00ebsit po b\u00ebhet m\u00eb se evidente se e kan\u00eb n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsuar shum\u00eb brisht\u00ebsin\u00eb politike t\u00eb form\u00ebs aktuale t\u00eb globalizimit. Revolta popullore q\u00eb duket se po ndodh po merr forma t\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshme dhe t\u00eb mbivendosura: ritheksimi i identiteteve lokale dhe komb\u00ebtare, k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr kontroll m\u00eb t\u00eb madh […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":204,"featured_media":10134,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1792,1366,1207],"ppma_author":[366],"class_list":["post-5012","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-e-majta","tag-ekonomia","tag-globalizmi"],"authors":[{"term_id":366,"user_id":204,"is_guest":0,"slug":"dani-rodrik","display_name":"Dani Rodrik","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/rodrik.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/rodrik.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Rodrik","first_name":"Dani","description":"Dani Rodrik \u00ebsht\u00eb profesor i Ekonomis\u00eb Politike Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin e Harvardit. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb autor i librit \u201cThe Globalization Paradox: Democracy and the Future of the World Economy\u201d, si dhe \u201cEconomics Rules: The Rights and Wrongs of the Dismal Science\u201d."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5012","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/204"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5012"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5012\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10135,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5012\/revisions\/10135"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10134"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5012"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5012"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5012"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5012"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}