{"id":5042,"date":"2016-07-08T11:27:12","date_gmt":"2016-07-08T09:27:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5042"},"modified":"2024-10-11T10:23:16","modified_gmt":"2024-10-11T08:23:16","slug":"cilet-mendimtare-do-ta-percaktojne-te-ardhmen-tone","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/opinion\/cilet-mendimtare-do-ta-percaktojne-te-ardhmen-tone\/","title":{"rendered":"Cil\u00ebt mendimtar\u00eb do ta p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen ton\u00eb?"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\">\n<h3>Cil\u00ebt mendimtar\u00eb do ta p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen ton\u00eb?<\/h3>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>Para disa vitesh m\u00eb kishte vrar\u00eb mendjen fakti se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb studiuesit e shkencave sociale n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme po q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb mbi supet e gjigant\u00ebve si Niccola\u00a0Machiavelli, John Locke, Adam Smith, Alexis de Tocqueville, Max Weber dhe Emile Durkheim. Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata kan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb se p\u00ebrqendrimi i tyre kryesor ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb struktur\u00ebn sociale, politike dhe ekonomike t\u00eb\u00a0Evrop\u00ebs Per\u00ebndimore mes viteve 1450 dhe 1900. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera,\u00a0i bie q\u00eb ata ofrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb model intelektual p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebshtruar, t\u00eb themi, bot\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb vitit 1840, por jo domosdo bot\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb vitit 2016.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb jepet m\u00ebsim n\u00eb l\u00ebnd\u00ebt\u00a0e teorive sociale, t\u00eb themi, n\u00eb vitin 2070? \u00c7far\u00eb t\u00eb drejte t\u00eb kodifikuar \u2013 t\u00eb shkruar sot ose q\u00eb do t\u00eb shkruhet n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen \u2013 do t\u00eb d\u00ebshironin t\u00eb ken\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb fillimet e karrier\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb viteve 2010, ata q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb karrier\u00ebn e tyre n\u00eb vitet 2070?<\/p>\n<p>Pasi kam vrar\u00eb vazhdimisht mendjen p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pyetje gjat\u00eb disa viteve t\u00eb fundit, kam ngushtuar zgjedhjen time n\u00eb shkrimet e tre njer\u00ebzve: Tocqueville, i cili ka shkruar n\u00eb vitet 1830 dhe 1840;\u00a0John Maynard Keynes, i cili ka shkruar n\u00eb vitet 1920 dhe 1930;\u00a0dhe Karl Polanyi, i cili ka shkruar n\u00eb vitet 1930 dhe 1940.<\/p>\n<p>\u00c7\u00ebshtjet qendrore p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat \u00ebsht\u00eb interesuar Keynes\u00a0n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e tij ting\u00ebllojn\u00eb reale edhe sot e k\u00ebsaj dite. At\u00eb e brengoste brisht\u00ebsia e begat\u00eb son\u00eb kolektive, dhe tensionet e r\u00ebnda mes nacionalizmit dhe q\u00ebndrimeve kozmopolite t\u00eb parr\u00ebnjosura mbi t\u00eb cilat z\u00eb vend nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri globale paq\u00ebsore dhe q\u00eb lul\u00ebzon. Ai fokusohej n\u00eb at\u00eb se si t\u00eb organizojm\u00eb aktivitetet tona dhe si t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzojm\u00eb begatin\u00eb ton\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr jet\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Synimi i tij ishte t\u00eb vinte n\u00eb dukje falimentimin e masave tona korrigjuese ideologjike q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebronin: laissez-faireit, rendit spontan, bashk\u00ebpunimit kolektiv, planifikimit qendror. Dhe ai mendonte thell\u00eb p\u00ebr problemet teknokratike t\u00eb menaxhimit t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb \u2013 dhe p\u00ebr fatkeq\u00ebsit\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore, morale dhe politike q\u00eb do t\u00eb pasojn\u00eb nga d\u00ebshtimi p\u00ebr trajtimin e tyre.<\/p>\n<p>Pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, problemet t\u00eb cilat e shqet\u00ebsonin Keynesin ishin venitur n\u00eb sfond, nd\u00ebrsa begatia e rip\u00ebrt\u00ebrir\u00eb n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim i kishte shtyr\u00eb t\u00eb besonin se ato probleme ishin zgjidhur nj\u00ebher\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb. Edhe gjat\u00eb stagflacionit (kombinimit t\u00eb rritjes s\u00eb ngadalt\u00eb dhe rritjes s\u00eb \u00e7mimeve) n\u00eb vitet 1970, thuhej se problemi ishte tejshtrirja social-demokratike, jo \u00e7far\u00ebdo e met\u00eb themelore n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb politike t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit.<\/p>\n<p>Ai argument i hapi rrug\u00ebn Kryeministres britanike Margaret Thatcher dhe Presidentit amerikan Ronald Reagan t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqeshin drejt reduktimit t\u00eb rolit ekonomik t\u00eb shtetit dhe t\u00eb \u00e7lironin nga kapistalli i tij forcat e tregut. Korrigjimi Thatcher-Reagan p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte sukses t\u00eb padiskutuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb mesin e klasave t\u00eb kamura q\u00eb u begatuan m\u00eb pas. Ai krijoi nj\u00eb konsensus ideologjik q\u00eb do t\u00eb dominonte sfer\u00ebn publike nga viti 1980 deri m\u00eb 2010.<\/p>\n<p>Begatia e pasluft\u00ebs gjithashtu la n\u00eb hije problemet qendrore me t\u00eb cilat ishte kacafytur Polanyi n\u00eb vitet 1930 dhe 1940. Polanyi e pranonte se nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri tregu n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb mund t\u00eb krijonte shum\u00eb begati materiale, por brenga e tij ishte se ajo mund ta arrinte k\u00ebt\u00eb vet\u00ebm me \u00e7mimin e kthimit t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb kukulla dhe n\u00eb lodra t\u00eb forcave t\u00eb pamendta t\u00eb tregut, dhe se njer\u00ebzit nuk e kishin kapur mir\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rol t\u00eb ri. Q\u00ebllimi, p\u00ebr Polanyin, ishte q\u00eb t\u00eb arrihej prosperiteti q\u00eb gjeneron nj\u00eb ekonomi tregu, pa vuajtur rrezikun e varf\u00ebris\u00eb, shkat\u00ebrrimit krijues dhe g\u00ebrryerjes s\u00eb komunitetit q\u00eb sillte me vete veprimi i forcave t\u00eb tregut.<\/p>\n<p>\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, Polanyi kishte paralajm\u00ebruar se n\u00ebse rendi modern borgjez do t\u00eb d\u00ebshtonte n\u00eb arritjen e k\u00ebsaj, nga kjo do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitonin l\u00ebvizjet politike autoritare dhe totalitare. Gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs, argumenti se begatia e bazuar n\u00eb tregje p\u00ebrligj \u00e7far\u00ebdo dhimbje an\u00ebsore shoq\u00ebrore merrej si i mir\u00ebqen\u00eb\u00eb kjo gjithashtu gradualisht po p\u00ebrcaktonte pik\u00ebpamjen e bazuar n\u00eb konsensus n\u00eb mesin e klas\u00ebs s\u00eb kamur dhe mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsve t\u00eb saj ideologjik\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo na sjell te Tocquevillei, i cili ka shkruar pothuajse para dy shekujsh, por brengat kryesore t\u00eb tij nuk u larguan asnj\u00ebher\u00eb. P\u00ebrqendrimi i Tocquevilleit ishte n\u00eb pasojat e shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb kast\u00ebs si parim i rendit shoq\u00ebror dhe politik. Kastat e m\u00ebdha \u2013 duke filluar nga t\u00eb supozuarit Fisnik\u00eb Frank\u00eb t\u00eb Shpat\u00ebs dhe Fisnik\u00ebt e Mantelit, e deri te tregtar\u00ebt proto-borgjez\u00eb dhe bujkrob\u00ebrit galo-romak\u00eb \u2013 t\u00eb gjith\u00eb u kishin dh\u00ebn\u00eb pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre disa liri t\u00eb caktuara\u00a0dhe nj\u00eb mas\u00eb autonomie personale n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb detyrimeve ndaj shtetit. (Dhe, natyrisht, sa m\u00eb i ul\u00ebt statusi social, aq m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha detyrimet.)<\/p>\n<p>Tocqueville e kishte v\u00ebn\u00eb re se k\u00ebt\u00eb bot\u00eb me rend rigoroz po e z\u00ebvend\u00ebsonte demokracia dhe barazia sociale formale, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn secili do t\u00eb jet\u00eb po aq e lir\u00eb, por gjithashtu do t\u00eb jet\u00eb po aq n\u00eb m\u00ebshir\u00ebn e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mjedis t\u00eb ri, kurrfar\u00eb privilegjesh ose lirish nuk do t\u00eb ju mbrojn\u00eb n\u00ebse do nuk arrini t\u00eb gjeni ndonj\u00eb pal\u00eb homologe n\u00eb treg, ose kjo do t\u00eb \u00e7onte n\u00eb tiranin\u00eb e shumic\u00ebs, ose thjesht do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohej nj\u00eb form\u00eb drejtimi derisa t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqeshe t\u00eb vendosje se kush do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishe.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb bot\u00ebn e Tocquevillet, shkat\u00ebrrimi i kast\u00ebs ishte vet\u00ebm i pjessh\u00ebm. Ai ka shkruar p\u00ebr burra t\u00eb bardh\u00eb q\u00eb e dinin p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre komb\u00ebtare, e dinin se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thoshte t\u2019i p\u00ebrkisje nj\u00eb kaste, dhe ai i dinte privilegjet q\u00eb sillte kjo p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb koh\u00ebrat tona, shkat\u00ebrrimi i kast\u00ebs dhe privilegjeve t\u00eb kast\u00ebs po shkon nj\u00eb hap p\u00ebrpara. Periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb sundimit politik t\u00eb burrave t\u00eb bardh\u00eb n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb Per\u00ebndimore po i vjen fundi. Dhe po i vjen fundi n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur populizmi ekonomik po e z\u00ebvend\u00ebson menaxhimin teknokratik, ku shpesh burrat e bardh\u00eb po i kthehen autoktonizmit si p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb pun\u00ebs dhe jetes\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre nga ana e forcave impersonale t\u00eb globalizimit.<\/p>\n<p>Si\u00e7 mund t\u00eb shohim n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende, nj\u00ebri pas tjetrit, rendi i vjet\u00ebr nuk do t\u00eb dor\u00ebzohet pa e shkrepur asnj\u00eb. Asnj\u00eb rend i vjet\u00ebr nuk e b\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb. Por, privilegji n\u00eb form\u00eb kaste i burrave t\u00eb bardh\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i d\u00ebnuar t\u00eb marr\u00eb fund. Tani sfida para nesh \u00ebsht\u00eb se si t\u00eb jet\u00ebsojm\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb miri mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e reja n\u00eb dispozicion p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e njeriut, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve. M\u00eb bien nd\u00ebrmend pak udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyes m\u00eb t\u00eb dobish\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019ia dal\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sfid\u00eb sesa Keynesi, Polanyi, dhe Tocqueville.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"time\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Cil\u00ebt mendimtar\u00eb do ta p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen ton\u00eb? Para disa vitesh m\u00eb kishte vrar\u00eb mendjen fakti se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb studiuesit e shkencave sociale n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme po q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb mbi supet e gjigant\u00ebve si Niccola\u00a0Machiavelli, John Locke, Adam Smith, Alexis de Tocqueville, Max Weber dhe Emile Durkheim. Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata kan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":58,"featured_media":7966,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[68],"class_list":["post-5042","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion"],"authors":[{"term_id":68,"user_id":58,"is_guest":0,"slug":"bradford-delong","display_name":"Bradford DeLong","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-10.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-10.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"DeLong","first_name":"Bradford","description":"J. Bradford DeLong \u00ebsht\u00eb profesor i Ekonomis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin e Kalifornis\u00eb n\u00eb Berkeley, si dhe studiues n\u00eb National Bureau of Economic Research. Ai ka qen\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebs ndihm\u00ebr i Sekretarit t\u00eb Shtetit gjat\u00eb administrat\u00ebs Clinton, ku ishte p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb negociata t\u00eb buxhetit dhe tregtis\u00eb. Roli i tij n\u00eb krijimin e bailout-it t\u00eb Meksik\u00ebs gjat\u00eb vitit 1994 e shnd\u00ebrroi n\u00eb liderin e transformimit t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs Latine n\u00eb nj\u00eb rajon t\u00eb ekonomive t\u00eb hapura. 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