{"id":5321,"date":"2020-11-12T16:34:38","date_gmt":"2020-11-12T14:34:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5321"},"modified":"2024-12-10T16:41:19","modified_gmt":"2024-12-10T14:41:19","slug":"cfare-ka-mbetur-nga-politika-kurre-me-e-gjermanise-ne-boten-e-koronavirusit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/cfare-ka-mbetur-nga-politika-kurre-me-e-gjermanise-ne-boten-e-koronavirusit\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7far\u00eb ka mbetur nga politika \u201ckurr\u00eb m\u00eb\u201d e Gjermanis\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e Koronavirusit?"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Politika e Gjermanis\u00eb dhe e Evrop\u00ebs ndaj Republik\u00ebs Popullore Kineze q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb para vendimeve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr edhe fokusi i politik\u00ebs bot\u00ebrore po zhvendoset gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb nga hap\u00ebsira euro-atlantike n\u00eb zon\u00ebn e Paq\u00ebsorit. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, po shtrohet pyetja e domosdoshme, se si po q\u00ebndron mbrojtja e vlerave per\u00ebndimore dhe e interesave evropiane n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhur, t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga nj\u00eb qeveri amerikane gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e paq\u00ebndrueshme dhe m\u00eb e paparashikueshme. Dhe si duhet t\u00eb reagojn\u00eb Gjermania dhe Evropa ndaj rivalitetit strategjik midis Uashingtonit dhe Pekinit? K\u00ebtu, nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb vet\u00ebm me ndikimin gjeopolitik ose gjeoekonomik n\u00eb bot\u00eb, por mbi t\u00eb gjitha me mbijetes\u00ebn e m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb t\u00eb konceptuarit t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, t\u00eb theksuar nga uniteti funksional i demokracis\u00eb dhe sundimit t\u00eb ligjit.<\/p>\n

Presidenca gjermane e BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 2020, paralelisht me fushat\u00ebn zgjedhore presidenciale t\u00eb SHBA, i hapi mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e madhe Gjermanis\u00eb n\u00ebn kancelaren Angela Merkel p\u00ebr t\u00eb form\u00ebsuar vendosm\u00ebrisht politik\u00ebn evropiane ndaj Kin\u00ebs – bazuar n\u00eb parimet e saj t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, t\u00eb cilat pasqyrojn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb historike dhe morale t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb, ashtu edhe reflektimet dhe udh\u00ebzimet e orientuara drejt s\u00eb ardhmes t\u00eb republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Berlinit.<\/p>\n

\u201cKurr\u00eb m\u00eb vet\u00ebm\u201d, \u201ckurr\u00eb m\u00eb luft\u00eb\u201d dhe \u201ckurr\u00eb m\u00eb Auschwitz\u201d – s\u00eb bashku k\u00ebto tri fjali jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tre gur\u00ebt, themelet e kultur\u00ebs strategjike gjermane q\u00eb nga viti 2000, pasi k\u00ebto shtylla ishin p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb parimet gjermane gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs 1998\/99 – dhe debateve mbi politik\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb, t\u00eb kristalizuara n\u00ebn ministrin e Jasht\u00ebm gjerman t\u00eb asaj kohe Joschka Fischer (nga partia e Gjelb\u00ebr). M\u00eb 1 maj, 2020, Fischer shkruante: \u201cKjo ‘Kurr\u00eb m\u00eb!’ u stampua n\u00eb n\u00ebn-nd\u00ebrgjegjen gjermane dhe ka p\u00ebrcaktuar deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e trajtimit t\u00eb gjith\u00e7kaje ushtarake n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vend, me gjith\u00e7ka, \u00e7ka merr er\u00eb me politik\u00ebn e jashtme, gjithashtu edhe me distanc\u00ebn e larg\u00ebt t\u00eb pretendimit gjerman p\u00ebr dominim t\u00eb politik\u00ebs globale e t\u00eb q\u00ebllimeve strategjike.\u201d N\u00eb fakt, p\u00ebr vendin e tij n\u00eb zem\u00ebr t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb angazhimit t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar amerikan, vlen edhe kjo si vijim i atyre trijave: \u201cAsnj\u00ebher\u00eb pa Evrop\u00ebn! Kurr\u00eb m\u00eb jasht\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit!\u201d<\/p>\n

Por \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb sakt\u00ebsisht ky pozicionim i Gjermanis\u00eb (n\u00eb BE) n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb sfid\u00ebs \u00eb paraqitur nga fuqia globale e Kin\u00ebs?<\/p>\n

Politika \u201ckurr\u00eb m\u00eb\u201d ndaj Kin\u00ebs. A \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mediet ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb nxisin frik\u00ebn dhe p\u00ebrhapin pasiguri duke zgjedhur terma agresiv\u00eb kur p\u00ebrshkruajn\u00eb ngjarje apo situata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. \u201cLufta tregtare\u201d, \u201cLufta e Re e Ftoht\u00eb\u201d, \u201clufta kibernetike\u201d \u2013 dhe p\u00ebr \u00e7udi t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto \u201cluft\u00ebra\u201d tani jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00eb normale t\u00eb raportimit politik. Mund t\u00eb supozohet, dhe sigurisht askush nuk e d\u00ebshiron nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb, q\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndodhin konflikte t\u00eb armatosura nd\u00ebrmjet demokracive t\u00eb orientuara nga per\u00ebndimi dhe Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

\u201cKurr\u00eb m\u00eb\u201d jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb parull\u00eb, por duhet t\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb parim themelor – nj\u00eb moto e vazhdueshme dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb nj\u00eb vij\u00eb e kuqe n\u00eb veprimin politik. Pas vitit 1945 parimi \u201ckurr\u00eb m\u00eb\u201d ishte pluralist dhe shum\u00ebpal\u00ebsh. Dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb 1989-1991, kur konflikti global Lindje-Per\u00ebndim u shp\u00ebrb\u00eb, fokusi ishte n\u00eb parimet dhe vlerat \u201cuniversale\u201d t\u00eb liris\u00eb, demokracis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb drejtave (njer\u00ebzore). K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, pas masakr\u00ebs n\u00eb Tiananmen n\u00eb qershor 1989, G7 vendosi sanksione ndaj Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Sot, tridhjet\u00eb vjet pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, Per\u00ebndimi (dhe Rusia) nuk flasin me nj\u00eb z\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa tensionet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare jan\u00eb rritur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb drastike, sidomos n\u00eb lidhje me Kin\u00ebn, e cila po ndjek qart\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e saj. Kornizat normative dhe bazat ligjore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare duket se e kan\u00eb humbur pesh\u00ebn dhe besueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre politike.<\/p>\n

Andaj, si duhet t\u00eb reagohet tani n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb – dhe n\u00eb Berlin – ndaj internimit sistematik t\u00eb pakic\u00ebs Ujgure n\u00eb provinc\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore kineze t\u00eb Xinjiang, ndaj \u00e7rregullimit t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb s\u00eb Hong Kongut, ndaj politik\u00ebs ekspansioniste t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb zonat e diskutueshme t\u00eb Detit t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs Jugore, ndaj konfliktit vdekjeprur\u00ebs t\u00eb kufirit kinezo-indian dhe ndaj luft\u00ebs tregtare t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzuar midis Uashingtonit dhe Pekinit. A \u00ebsht\u00eb akoma realist parimi pacifist i Gjermanis\u00eb i politik\u00ebs \u201ckurr\u00eb m\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb zhvillimet aktuale nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare? N\u00ebse po, si mund t\u2019i jap\u00eb Berlinit shtytje k\u00ebsaj politike?<\/p>\n

Presidenca gjermane e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb dhe Kina n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

M\u00eb 8 korrik, Angela Merkel paraqiti prioritetet e presidenc\u00ebs gjermane t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb Parlamentin Evropian n\u00eb Bruksel. Gjat\u00eb fjal\u00ebs s\u00eb saj, kancelarja e b\u00ebri t\u00eb qart\u00eb, ne nuk do t\u00eb angazhohemi vet\u00ebm \u201cn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet tona strategjike me Kin\u00ebn, t\u00eb cilat karakterizohen nga lidhje t\u00eb ngushta tregtare, por edhe n\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet tona shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme sociopolitike, larg mbrojtjes s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe sundimit t\u00eb ligjit\u201d.<\/p>\n

Andaj, nj\u00eb nga fokuset kryesore ndaj Pekinit mbetet \u2013 edhe pse tani marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet transatlantike kan\u00eb arritur nivelin m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt q\u00eb nga Lufta e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore \u2013 se BE-ja duhet t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb unifikuar gjeostrategjik ndaj Kin\u00ebs. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Berlini, duhet t\u00eb flas\u00eb hapur p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos humbas\u00eb rolin e tij t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes politike n\u00eb BE. Vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb pozicioni gjerman mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehet n\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb suksesshme t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ndaj Kin\u00ebs. Me an\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs duhet t\u00eb kihen parasysh realitetet se, Pekini nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb partner ekonomik i BE-s\u00eb, por edhe nj\u00eb konkurrent politik, nj\u00eb \u201crival strategjik\u201d, si\u00e7 e ka th\u00ebn\u00eb edhe Merkel, \u201cme ide t\u00eb ndryshme sociopolitike\u201d.<\/p>\n

Ajo e cila si rezultat i kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb koronavirusit \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb fokus, tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb proces i vazhduesh\u00ebm 30-vje\u00e7ar: ngritja e Kin\u00ebs si fuqi (bot\u00ebrore) \u00ebsht\u00eb e pandalshme, ku ky shtet nj\u00eb partiak kapitalist-autoritar paraqet nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb ndaj sistemit demokratik dhe t\u00eb vlerave per\u00ebndimore. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtij rivaliteti nd\u00ebrmjet k\u00ebtyre sistemeve, Kina nuk po troket m\u00eb n\u00eb dyert evropiane. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ajo tashm\u00eb ka filluar t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb n\u00eb kontinent nga brenda – dhe jo vet\u00ebm ekonomikisht (mjafton t\u00eb kujtojm\u00eb Portin e Pireut, qendra e ardhshme e Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebr shp\u00ebrndarjen e kontejner\u00ebve n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb) ose p\u00ebrmes debatit t\u00eb rrjetit t\u00eb telekomunikacionit 5G t\u00eb Huawei. N\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201cmiq\u00ebsis\u00eb prej \u00e7eliku\u201d midis Pekinit dhe Beogradit, jan\u00eb sjell\u00eb p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb dron\u00ebt kinez\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb (dron\u00ebt e armatosur dhe raketat anti-ajrore FK-3) dhe kinez\u00ebt jan\u00eb njohur zyrtarisht si pakic\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr nj\u00eb politik\u00eb unike evropiane ndaj Kin\u00ebs, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb strategjive nacionale<\/strong><\/p>\n

Gjermania dhe presidenca e saj e BE-s\u00eb (korrik-dhjetor 2020) po p\u00ebrballen me detyra t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira. Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, Berlini duhet t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb p\u00ebrpara besimin n\u00eb projektin evropian, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, BE-ja duhet t\u00eb angazhohet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb linj\u00eb uniforme ndaj Pekinit. \u201cNe duhet t\u00eb dim\u00eb, tha Merkel (duke ia b\u00ebr\u00eb me dije Uashingtonit), p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar vet\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen ton\u00eb, si evropian\u00eb, p\u00ebr fatin ton\u00eb.\u201d Por lufta p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen po zhvillohet \u00e7do dit\u00eb – me mjete diplomatike n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, demokracis\u00eb, shtetin e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb zgjidhje paq\u00ebsore t\u00eb konflikteve. Berlini dhe Brukseli duhet t\u00eb flasin me z\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin ndikimin e tyre t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa, bota \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gar\u00eb t\u00eb paepur, fatkeq\u00ebsisht edhe mjaft nacionaliste, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vaksin\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme kund\u00ebr COVID-19, komuniteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar duhet t\u00eb shikoj\u00eb prapa se \u00e7far\u00eb duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb s\u00eb bashku p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar konfliktet dhe luft\u00ebrat n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen – pa marr\u00eb parasysh se ku. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb shpiket asnj\u00eb vaksin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar p\u00ebrs\u00ebritjen e mizorive \u00e7njer\u00ebzore nga regjimet shtyp\u00ebse, sepse receta \u00ebsht\u00eb shpikur tashm\u00eb. \u00c7do q\u00ebndrim tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrve\u00e7 politik\u00ebs \u201ckurr\u00eb m\u00eb\u201d do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb largim nga m\u00ebsimet e nxjerra t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs. Dhe, q\u00eb Gjermania dhe BE-ja t\u00eb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb me vendosm\u00ebri p\u00ebr sistemin global t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, duke e ditur se besimi i thjesht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb diplomaci t\u00eb qet\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i mjaftuesh\u00ebm, nuk guxon m\u00eb t\u2019i lihet n\u00eb m\u00ebdyshje udh\u00ebheqjes s\u00eb Partis\u00eb Komuniste t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. K\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebsim nga e kaluara duhet ta m\u00ebsoj\u00eb edhe Uashingtoni, pavar\u00ebsisht se kush do ta ulet nes\u00ebr n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb. Mbi t\u00eb gjitha, kohezioni transatlantik nuk duhet t’i n\u00ebnshtrohet epshit t\u00eb politikan\u00ebve t\u00eb saj; sepse thyerja e k\u00ebsaj ure aksiomatike Euro-Atlantike post-1945, p\u00ebrmes izolacionizmit t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb, mund t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptoj\u00eb nj\u00eb kthim n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, n\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebn me t\u00eb vjetr\u00ebn dhe fatale t\u00eb shteteve nacionale.<\/p>\n

Samiti i posa\u00e7\u00ebm me Presidentin e Kin\u00ebs Xi Jinping i planifikuar t\u00eb mbahet n\u00eb mes t\u00eb n\u00ebntorit nuk duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb paraqitje t\u00eb bashk\u00ebrenduar nga qeverit\u00eb evropiane p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. P\u00ebrkundrazi, Evropa duhet t\u00eb flas\u00eb gjithashtu nj\u00ebz\u00ebri p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb presion p\u00ebr respektimin e lirive themelore dhe t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, ndoshta duke k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar seriozisht edhe me vendosje t\u00eb sanksioneve. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, retorika politike duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet me masa t\u00eb forta dhe t\u00eb vendosura politike. N\u00ebse BE d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb luaj\u00eb rolin e gardianit t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave globale t\u00eb njeriut dhe vlerave demokratike, ajo nuk duhet ta lejoj\u00eb veten t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb pazar n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre vlerave.<\/p>\n

Politika e deritanishme evropiane ndaj Kin\u00ebs ishte gjith\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrve\u00e7se evropiane. Ajo u karakterizua nga interesat komb\u00ebtare – e shfryt\u00ebzuar dhe demonstruar me zgjuarsi nga diplomacia kineze e maskave, e aplikuar sipas parimit \u201cp\u00ebr\u00e7aj dhe sundo.\u201d P\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje evropiane, qeverit\u00eb evropiane duhet t\u00eb marrin p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi s\u00eb bashku dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb pozicionet dhe q\u00ebllimet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta.<\/p>\n

Skeptri tani \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb duart e Berlinit, nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb Gjermania ta profilizoj\u00eb veten n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme dhe t\u00eb demonstroj\u00eb vullnetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr; nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb nuk duhet humbur.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Politika e Gjermanis\u00eb dhe e Evrop\u00ebs ndaj Republik\u00ebs Popullore Kineze q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb para vendimeve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr edhe fokusi i politik\u00ebs bot\u00ebrore po zhvendoset gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb nga hap\u00ebsira euro-atlantike n\u00eb zon\u00ebn e Paq\u00ebsorit. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, po shtrohet pyetja e domosdoshme, se si po q\u00ebndron mbrojtja e vlerave per\u00ebndimore dhe e […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":540,"featured_media":10872,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"gallery","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[1999,738],"class_list":["post-5321","post","type-post","status-publish","format-gallery","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","post_format-post-format-gallery"],"authors":[{"term_id":1999,"user_id":540,"is_guest":0,"slug":"kristina-spohr","display_name":"Kristina Spohr","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/kristina_new2-scaled-e1733841473135.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/kristina_new2-scaled-e1733841473135.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Spohr","first_name":"Kristina","description":"Kristina Spohr \u00ebsht\u00eb aktualisht profesoresh\u00eb e shquar e Helmut Schmidt n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn Henry A. Kissinger p\u00ebr \u00c7\u00ebshtjet Globale, Universiteti Johns Hopkins, Washington DC."},{"term_id":738,"user_id":407,"is_guest":0,"slug":"faruk-ajeti","display_name":"Faruk Ajeti","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ajeti","first_name":"Faruk","description":"Dr. Faruk Ajeti \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor shkencor n\u00eb Institutin Austriak p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb vitit akademik 2019\/20 ishte visiting scholar i Fondacionit Austriak t\u00eb Planit Marshall n\u00eb Institutin p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme n\u00eb Universitetin Johns Hopkins n\u00eb Washington DC."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5321","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/540"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5321"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5321\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10873,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5321\/revisions\/10873"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10872"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5321"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5321"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5321"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5321"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}