{"id":5353,"date":"2020-10-22T11:29:05","date_gmt":"2020-10-22T09:29:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5353"},"modified":"2024-10-09T11:46:13","modified_gmt":"2024-10-09T09:46:13","slug":"zgjedhjet-si-liri","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/opinion\/zgjedhjet-si-liri\/","title":{"rendered":"Zgjedhjet si liri"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Zgjedhjet jan\u00eb m\u00ebnyra e vetme e pranueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pushtetin n\u00eb demokraci dhe e drejt\u00eb themelore politike. Var\u00ebsisht sa e q\u00ebndrueshme \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejta e qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur qeverin\u00eb e tyre \u2013 si norm\u00eb n\u00eb vetvete dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e vlerave politike si parakushte t\u00eb liris\u00eb e shtylla t\u00eb sistemit politik \u2013 demokracit\u00eb evoluojn\u00eb nga demokraci elektorale n\u00eb ato liberale. Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb demokraci elektorale dhe\u00a0vend gjysm\u00eb i lir\u00eb<\/a>. Ndon\u00ebse k\u00ebtu pushteti merret me zgjedhje, autoritarizmi n\u00eb parti politike e n\u00eb qeverisje i ka shnd\u00ebrruar ato n\u00eb mjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar dy paradigma q\u00eb e ruajn\u00eb amullin\u00eb ekzistuese: \u2018stabilitokracin\u00eb\u2019 dhe \u2018sigurizimin\u2019. P\u00ebr autoritar\u00ebt, \u2018stabilitokracia\u2019 n\u00ebnkupton se mposhtja e amullis\u00eb ekzistuese p\u00ebrmes zgjedhjeve k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon stabilitetin politik. Ata gjithashtu i \u2018sigurizojn\u00eb\u2019 zgjedhjet duke pretenduar se mposhtja e k\u00ebsaj amullie p\u00ebrmes zgjedhjeve k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon sigurin\u00eb, madje vet shtetin me zhb\u00ebrje.<\/p>\n

Shtet-nd\u00ebrtimi n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb akoma nuk ka sjell\u00eb stabilitet t\u00eb nj\u00ebmendt\u00eb politik p\u00ebrmes demokratizimit t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb rregulla e institucione jopersonale. Kjo shpalos tre paradokse. S\u00eb pari, sa m\u00eb t\u00eb shpeshta zgjedhjet, aq m\u00eb jostabile jan\u00eb qeverit\u00eb q\u00eb dalin prej tyre, e rrjedhimisht aq m\u00eb e pasigurt e ardhmja. S\u00eb dyti, pluralizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb nominal, pasi q\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje garojn\u00eb shum\u00eb parti politike, pak t\u00eb dallueshme n\u00eb programe e n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e funksionimit. S\u00eb treti, shteti i brisht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb aq i gjith\u00ebpranish\u00ebm sa q\u00eb shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb e paqart\u00eb ku fillon e ku mbaron ai vis-\u00e0-vis opozit\u00ebs politike, shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile, tregut e individit.<\/p>\n

Shumica e partive politike tashm\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqen ose kontrollohen nga themeluesit e tyre. Shumica e tyre i rezistojn\u00eb reformimit t\u00eb sistemit zgjedhor, duke filluar nga transparenca e financimit t\u00eb tyre, ndon\u00ebse e pranojn\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb reform\u00eb me prioritetet p\u00ebr integrim n\u00eb BE. Shum\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrje publike e institucione t\u00eb pavarure mbahen n\u00ebn kontroll politik p\u00ebrmes em\u00ebrimeve t\u00eb larta, ose paralizohen fare. Faktikisht politizimi e klientelizmi n\u00eb institucione publike e treg, dhe forma t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzimit t\u00eb votuesve, jan\u00eb normalizuar. \u00cbsht\u00eb normalizuar edhe politizimi e polarizimi aq i skajsh\u00ebm i parlamentit sa q\u00eb mezi arrin t\u00eb miratoj\u00eb ligjet bazike sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur falimentimin e shtetit.<\/p>\n

Zgjedhjet n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb kan\u00eb implikime serioze p\u00ebr lirin\u00eb individuale. Liria individuale vis-\u00e0-vis institucioneve politike \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0liri nga<\/em>, ose \u2018liri negative\u2019, dhe\u00a0liri<\/em>\u00a0p\u00ebr t\u00eb<\/em>, ose \u2018liri pozitive\u2019. E para k\u00ebrkon evitimin e politikave q\u00eb kufizojn\u00eb lirin\u00eb individuale, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb kritike p\u00ebr fuqizimin politik t\u00eb individ\u00ebve. E dyta k\u00ebrkon nd\u00ebrmarrjen e politikave p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar parakushte q\u00eb mund\u00ebsojn\u00eb g\u00ebzimin e liris\u00eb individuale, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb kritike p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb e t\u00eb drejtave politike.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, paradigma e \u2018stabilitokracis\u00eb\u2019 dhe ajo e \u2018sigurizimit\u2019 kufizojn\u00eb \u2018lirin\u00eb negative\u2019 pasi q\u00eb i shtyjn\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahin \u2018t\u00eb keqen m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl\u2019, jo t\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhin mes programeve politike. Ato gjithashtu kufizojn\u00eb \u2018lirin\u00eb pozitive\u2019 pasi q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb q\u00eb liria e veprimit politik t\u00eb kufizohet n\u00eb parandalimin e s\u00eb keqes s\u00eb quajtur destabilizim politik dhe pamund\u00ebsojn\u00eb rotacionin e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb pushtetit, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, test kritik i demokracis\u00eb. Prandaj, p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb kuptim liris\u00eb s\u00eb zgjedhjes n\u00eb zgjedhje, qytetar\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb \u00e7lirohen nga frika se zgjedhjet vet\u00ebm mund ta ruajn\u00eb amullin\u00eb ekzistuese ose ta p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsojn\u00eb gjendjen.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, programet e partive politike jan\u00eb n\u00eb thelb pothuaj t\u00eb padalluesh\u00ebm mes vete dhe portretizojn\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme hipotetike ideale, pa politika konkrete p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur at\u00eb duke mposhtur paradigm\u00ebn e \u2018stabilitokracis\u00eb\u2019 dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb \u2018sigurizimit\u2019. Ato shpesh jan\u00eb p\u00ebrplot retorik\u00eb abstrakte dhe thjesht proklamata fushatash parazgjedhore vet\u00ebm sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar vota. Premtimet joreale jasht\u00eb kontrollit t\u00eb tyre si vendimmarr\u00ebs politik\u00eb jan\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb pazbatueshme n\u00eb koalicione qeveris\u00ebse ideologjikisht jokoherente. Ato gjithashtu tregojn\u00eb se partit\u00eb politike i shmangen mposhtjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dy paradigmave, madje edhe p\u00ebrmes \u2018g\u00ebnjeshtrave t\u00eb sinqerta\u2019: premtimeve aq t\u00eb paarritshme sa q\u00eb premtuesit jan\u00eb t\u00eb pavet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm se po thon\u00eb t\u00eb pav\u00ebrteta.<\/p>\n

Programet e partive politike kufizojn\u00eb \u2018lirin\u00eb negative\u2019 pasi q\u00eb shkurajojn\u00eb fuqizimin politik t\u00eb individ\u00ebve, duke synuar vet\u00ebm fitimin e votave n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme, me pak qeverisje mes tyre. Programet e partive politike pa politika p\u00ebr t\u00eb mposhtur paradigm\u00ebn e \u2018stabilitokracis\u00eb\u2019 dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb \u2018sigurizimit\u2019 kufizojn\u00eb edhe \u2018lirin\u00eb pozitive\u2019 pasi q\u00eb kjo ua kufizon qytetar\u00ebve opsionet q\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00eb plot\u00ebsimin e nevojave t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs. Prandaj, p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb kuptim konkurrenc\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb politike n\u00eb zgjedhje, qytetar\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb \u00e7lirohen nga besimi n\u00eb \u2018g\u00ebnjeshtra t\u00eb sinqerta\u2019 parazgjedhore p\u00ebr t\u00eb sjell\u00eb shtet t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, barazi e jet\u00eb t\u00eb dinjitetshme. Sa m\u00eb ysht\u00ebse q\u00eb ting\u00ebllojn\u00eb ato, aq m\u00eb hipokrite del qeverisja pasuese p\u00ebrderisa partit\u00eb politike n\u00eb pushtet u shmangen politikave konkrete p\u00ebr t\u00eb mposhtur k\u00ebto dy paradigma brenda tyre dhe n\u00eb institucione publike.<\/p>\n

\u2018Lirin\u00eb pozitive\u2019 e kufizon edhe kultura e kultit t\u00eb liderit te partit\u00eb politike pasi q\u00eb ua kufizon qytetar\u00ebve hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrje politike. Kulti i liderit duket si simptom\u00eb e dekadenc\u00ebs s\u00eb transicionit nga \u2018partia-shtet\u2019 n\u00eb \u2018parti-lider-shtet\u2019, me dallimin e vet\u00ebm q\u00eb n\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb partie tani ka shum\u00eb syresh, pa dallime thelb\u00ebsore mes vete n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguljen e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrjet\u00ebsuar paradigm\u00ebn e \u2018stabilitokracis\u00eb\u2019 dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb \u2018sigurizimit\u2019 me n\u00eb qend\u00ebr zgjedhjet si, kinse, zeitgeist i vet\u00ebm i demokracis\u00eb. Si t\u00eb tilla, zgjedhjet e partit\u00eb politike, e bashk\u00eb me to shteti partiakisht i politizuar skajsh\u00ebm, jan\u00eb simptoma t\u00eb nj\u00eb paradigme tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb ruan amullin\u00eb ekzistuese: simulimit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

——–<\/p>\n

*Pik\u00ebpamjet e shprehura jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb autorit.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Zgjedhjet jan\u00eb m\u00ebnyra e vetme e pranueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pushtetin n\u00eb demokraci dhe e drejt\u00eb themelore politike. Var\u00ebsisht sa e q\u00ebndrueshme \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejta e qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur qeverin\u00eb e tyre \u2013 si norm\u00eb n\u00eb vetvete dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e vlerave politike si parakushte t\u00eb liris\u00eb e shtylla t\u00eb sistemit politik \u2013 demokracit\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":469,"featured_media":7972,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[458],"ppma_author":[1190],"class_list":["post-5353","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-election"],"authors":[{"term_id":1190,"user_id":469,"is_guest":0,"slug":"artan-qollaku","display_name":"Artan \u00c7ollaku","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/8a4d7e153604cf729156e6520a24eaee4813927d60bdc6e30ab63747b36f274e?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"\u00c7ollaku","first_name":"Artan","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5353","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/469"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5353"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5353\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8118,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5353\/revisions\/8118"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7972"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5353"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5353"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5353"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5353"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}