Historia e shtetformimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur ngusht\u00eb me negociata t\u00eb shumta, sidomos mes Prishtin\u00ebs e Beogradit, t\u00eb cilat mbesin ende procese t\u00eb r\u00ebnda dhe t\u00eb kompromiseve t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira. Duke filluar q\u00eb nga negociatat e Rambujes\u00eb dhe t\u00eb vazhduara m\u00eb pas shkurt n\u00eb Paris, kur p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb refuzimit t\u00eb pal\u00ebs serbe ato d\u00ebshtuan, e deri te negociatat e Vjen\u00ebs, ku fati i vendit u vendos n\u00eb tavolin\u00eb, Kosova vazhdimisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ballafaquar me \u2018momente historike\u2019, duke e l\u00ebn\u00eb peng zhvillimin e brendsh\u00ebm politik e socio-ekonomik. Zgjidhja p\u00ebrfundimtare e statusit juridik e politik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, duket se nuk mori fund me shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, ashtu si\u00e7 krijohej p\u00ebrshtypja dhe si\u00e7 u proklamonte nga paria politike. Madje as opinioni afirmativ i Gjykat\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs (shpallur m\u00eb 2010), nuk e p\u00ebrmbylli ciklin e negociatave. S\u00eb shpejti n\u00eb Bruksel filluan negociatat t\u00eb reja t\u00eb quajtura me eufemiz\u00ebm diplomatik \u2018bisedimet teknike\u2019, duke \u00e7uar nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb von\u00eb te takimi i par\u00eb mes kryeministrave t\u00eb dy vendeve Tha\u00e7i dhe Da?i? dhe m\u00eb 19 Prill 2013 n\u00eb arritjen \u00a0e marr\u00ebveshjes 15 pik\u00ebshe mes tyre, e njohur si \u201cMarr\u00ebveshja e par\u00eb mbi parimet q\u00eb rregullojn\u00eb normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve\u201d.<\/p>\n
Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit politik\u00eb dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht negociator\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebto 16 vite t\u00eb fundit mbesin pothuajse t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit, procesi i demokratizimit ka mbetur peng i k\u00ebtyre negociatave. N\u00ebse k\u00ebsaj i shtohen edhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e ndjeshme si decentralizimi, gjykata speciale dhe s\u00eb fundmi \u00e7\u00ebshtja e Asociacionit, duket e qart\u00eb se reformat e nevojshme administrative, p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi n\u00eb sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsi e arsim, mir\u00ebqenia sociale, njohjet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, pastaj zhvillimi ekonomik e luftimi i korrupsionit mbeten t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht n\u00ebn hije t\u00eb negociatave dhe marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb dala nga k\u00ebto. Nd\u00ebrsa opozita (si ato t\u00eb m\u00ebhershmet edhe kjo aktuale) vazhdon t\u00eb harxhoj\u00eb energji t\u00eb tepruar, duke u fokusuar vazhdimisht n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtimin e marr\u00ebveshjeve, qytetar\u00ebt gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb po humbin besimin n\u00eb institucione por edhe shpresat p\u00ebr nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb qeveris\u00ebse.<\/p>\n
Derisa n\u00eb sondazhet e b\u00ebra nga European Value Study m\u00eb 2008 qytetaret e Kosov\u00ebs me afro 90% ishin nd\u00ebr popujt m\u00eb krenar\u00eb me vendin e tyre, ata sot nga matjet e ndryshme t\u00eb opinionit publik dalin m\u00eb t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjyerit krahasuar me t\u00eb gjitha vendet e rajonit dhe t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs. R\u00ebnia drastike e besueshm\u00ebris\u00eb dhe rritja e frustrimit t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve nuk duhet lexuar vet\u00ebm si zhg\u00ebnjim nga mosangazhimi dhe mosadresimi i duhur i brengave dhe i nevojave t\u00eb tyre nga ana e institucioneve qeveritare, por edhe si munges\u00eb e nj\u00eb opsioni m\u00eb bind\u00ebs politik, i cili do t\u00eb mund t\u2019i zgjidhte k\u00ebto probleme. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr duket se krizat e shpeshta e t\u00eb ashpra t\u00eb sken\u00ebs politike vijn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb si rrjedhoje e p\u00ebrplasjes s\u00eb pozit\u00ebs e opozit\u00ebs rreth asaj se kush ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb e kush gabim n\u00eb negociata, sesa kush qeveris popullin m\u00eb mir\u00eb e kush m\u00eb keq me vendin.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb loj\u00eb politike mes akuzave e kund\u00ebrakuzave, qytetar\u00ebt b\u00ebhen m\u00eb shum\u00eb spektator\u00eb t\u00eb hutuar e t\u00eb frik\u00ebsuar sesa pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs apo ndikues n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb e vendit. Jo pse negociatat apo marr\u00ebveshjet e dala nga ato, nuk duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb pjes\u00eb e proceseve dhe e debateve politike, por kur ato jan\u00eb tem\u00eb ky\u00e7e e tyre dhe me vite t\u00eb t\u00ebra b\u00ebhen mburoja e k\u00ebsaj elite politike, at\u00ebher\u00eb ato d\u00ebmtojn\u00eb thell\u00ebsisht konsolidimin e demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb kosovare. Krizat e vazhdueshme politike t\u00eb p\u00ebrcjella her\u00eb pas here me dhun\u00eb e konflikt politik, si pasoj\u00eb e fokusimit t\u00eb tepruar t\u00eb negociatat, mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm sjelljet autoritare dhe polarizimin shoq\u00ebror, duke zbehur interesimin e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr performanc\u00ebn e institucioneve dhe vendimmarrjen politike. Ndoshta \u00ebsht\u00eb koha q\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet nga qeveritar\u00ebt m\u00eb shum\u00eb llogari p\u00ebr pun\u00ebt e (pa)b\u00ebra, nd\u00ebrsa nga opozita m\u00eb shum\u00eb oferta e plane qeveris\u00ebse t\u00eb bindshme, sesa t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb t\u00eb humbim m\u00eb shum\u00eb koh\u00eb e energji me p\u00ebrplasjet e tyre rreth negociatave. Sepse vet\u00ebm k\u00ebshtu mund t\u2019i hapim rrug\u00ebn ndryshimeve politike, zhvillimit dhe demokratizimit t\u00eb vendit.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Historia e shtetformimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur ngusht\u00eb me negociata t\u00eb shumta, sidomos mes Prishtin\u00ebs e Beogradit, t\u00eb cilat mbesin ende procese t\u00eb r\u00ebnda dhe t\u00eb kompromiseve t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira. Duke filluar q\u00eb nga negociatat e Rambujes\u00eb dhe t\u00eb vazhduara m\u00eb pas shkurt n\u00eb Paris, kur p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb refuzimit t\u00eb pal\u00ebs serbe ato d\u00ebshtuan, […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":31,"featured_media":10596,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[664],"ppma_author":[41],"class_list":["post-540","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kosovo"],"authors":[{"term_id":41,"user_id":31,"is_guest":0,"slug":"bekim-baliqi","display_name":"Bekim Baliqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Bekim-Baliqi-300x175-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Bekim-Baliqi-300x175-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Baliqi","first_name":"Bekim","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/540","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/31"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=540"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/540\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":541,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/540\/revisions\/541"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10596"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=540"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=540"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=540"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=540"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}