{"id":5405,"date":"2020-10-06T11:06:38","date_gmt":"2020-10-06T09:06:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5405"},"modified":"2024-10-22T11:03:22","modified_gmt":"2024-10-22T09:03:22","slug":"a-ka-rendesi-morali-ne-politike-te-jashtme","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/a-ka-rendesi-morali-ne-politike-te-jashtme\/","title":{"rendered":"A ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi morali n\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme?"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Edhe pak jav\u00eb kan\u00eb mbetur deri n\u00eb zgjedhjet presidenciale t\u00eb 3 n\u00ebntorit, ku gara elektorale nd\u00ebrmjet dy kandidat\u00ebve, presidentit Donald J. Trump dhe sfiduesit Joe Biden, tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u zhvilluar n\u00eb \u00e7do cep t\u00eb SHBA-ve. Deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve procesi elektoral do t\u00eb ket\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb panjohura, por ajo q\u00eb dihet deri m\u00eb tani \u00ebsht\u00eb se kjo gar\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e fokusuar kryesisht n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme amerikane.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb q\u00ebndrimit tim n\u00eb SHBA, gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs sa isha visiting scholar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vit akademik n\u00eb\u00a0Institutin p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme, n\u00eb Universitetin Johns Hopkins n\u00eb Washington DC,\u00a0<\/em>kisha privilegjin t\u00eb merrja pjes\u00eb n\u00eb promovimin e par\u00eb t\u00eb librit t\u00eb nj\u00eb prej politolog\u00ebve m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur amerikan Joseph S. Nye, profesor n\u00eb Universitetin e Harvardit. Libri i tij\u00a0A ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi morali n\u00eb politik\u00eb? President\u00ebt dhe politika e jashtme nga Roosevelt-i tek Trump-i<\/em>, \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim nj\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb e mir\u00eb mbi president\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb q\u00eb nga Lufta e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore e deri m\u00eb sot. Nj\u00eb lib\u00ebr mbi moralin presidencial amerikan. Nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb e thukt\u00eb mbi etik\u00ebn e 14 president\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb proceset e vendimmarrjes s\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, nj\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim kritik mbi b\u00ebmat, g\u00ebnjeshtrat, intrigat dhe prapaskenat. Nj\u00eb udh\u00ebtim n\u00ebp\u00ebr koh\u00eb gjat\u00eb qeverisjeve s\u00eb njer\u00ebzve m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm t\u00eb globit. Nye i fut n\u00eb \u201cproces t\u00eb skenimit\u201d president\u00ebt nd\u00ebrmjet tri elementeve: q\u00ebllimet e motivet, mjetet dhe konsekuencat. I fundit n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e Nye \u00ebsht\u00eb presidenti aktual Donald J. Trump.<\/p>\n

Pse presidenti Trump \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshe nga president\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb amerikan\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Presidenti Trump nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb presidenti i par\u00eb n\u00eb historin\u00eb amerikane q\u00eb futet n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb duke humbur vot\u00ebn popullore, por i pesti (ku sipas sistemit zgjedhor amerikan r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia ka ai q\u00eb fiton shumic\u00ebn e nevojshme t\u00eb kolegjit elektoral dhe jo t\u00eb vot\u00ebs popullore). Sipas Nye, presidenti Trump \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshe nga president\u00ebt tjer\u00eb amerikan\u00eb dhe at\u00eb p\u00ebr disa arsye. Trump \u00ebsht\u00eb presidenti n\u00eb mosh\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr i zgjedhur p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb post (70 vje\u00e7ar) dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht m\u00eb i sh\u00ebndetshmi. Si nj\u00eb sip\u00ebrmarr\u00ebs i suksessh\u00ebm nga New York, ai nuk i takonte establishmentit t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm politik amerikan, dhe p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr nuk iu n\u00ebnshtrua filtrave paraprak\u00eb politik\u00eb dhe partiak\u00eb, hapa t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr ngjitje n\u00eb maje t\u00eb pushtetit amerikan. Me nj\u00eb sfond nga bota e biznesit, Trump kultivon nj\u00eb stil t\u00eb ri t\u00eb sjelljes politike jokonvencionale, sikurse nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb re ndaj shtypit dhe mediave. Ve\u00e7antis\u00eb s\u00eb presidentit Trump i shtohet edhe p\u00ebrdorimi i rrjetit social Twitter, platforma e tij e preferuar. Teksa stafi i Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb b\u00ebnte p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrje n\u00eb cic\u00ebrimat e zotit t\u00eb sht\u00ebpis\u00eb, sepse nuk ting\u00ebllonin shum\u00eb \u201cpresidenciale\u201d, Trump kund\u00ebrshtoi. Ai tha se \u201cky \u00ebsht\u00eb megafoni im. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra q\u00eb un\u00eb flas direkt me njer\u00ebzit pa asnj\u00eb lloj filtri\u201d. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb Trump p\u00ebrdor Twitter, Theodore Roosevelt p\u00ebrdorte fjalimet publike, Franklin Roosevelt p\u00ebrdorte radion, nd\u00ebrsa John F. Kennedy televizionin. Me Kennedy-n presidenti Trump ka disa t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta. T\u00eb dy vun\u00eb n\u00eb siklet administratat e tyre duke \u201cshkrir\u00eb vij\u00ebn e kuqe\u201d nd\u00ebrmjet sjelljes private dhe publike. Nj\u00eb element tjet\u00ebr sipas Nye \u00ebsht\u00eb se t\u00eb dy president\u00ebt i jan\u00eb shmangur t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs duke th\u00ebn\u00eb gjysm\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn apo t\u00eb pav\u00ebrteta. Sipas data-baz\u00ebs s\u00eb Washington Post Fact Checker, gjat\u00eb 18 muajve t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb presidenc\u00eb, Trump ka b\u00ebr\u00eb 3251 pohime \u00e7orientuese ose t\u00eb pav\u00ebrteta. Nd\u00ebrsa, shmangia e sh\u00ebrbimit ushtarak n\u00eb Vietnam \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb, ku presidenti Trump puqet me president\u00ebt Clinton dhe W. Bush.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb nga debati i par\u00eb brenda kandidat\u00ebve republikan\u00eb dhe replikat me moderatoren e njohur Megyn Kelly (Fox News) e deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebn e celebrimit si president, Trump ishte dhe mbeti n\u00eb epiqend\u00ebr t\u00eb medias, sepse ishte ndryshe nga president\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb. Duke u deklaruar ndryshe, duke u shprehur ndryshe dhe duke folur ndryshe p\u00ebr miqt\u00eb e armiqt\u00eb, p\u00ebr shtetet e organizatat e ndryshme, p\u00ebr homolog\u00ebt e p\u00ebr gazetar\u00ebt. Si presidenti i par\u00eb amerikan ai sfidoi konsensusin nd\u00ebramerikan mbi rendin liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, t\u00eb etabluar pas vitit 1945. Duke e quajtur NATO-n t\u00eb dal\u00eb mode dhe duke i sugjeruar Japonis\u00eb dhe Kores\u00eb Jugore t\u00eb zhvillojn\u00eb kapacitetet e tyre p\u00ebr arm\u00eb nukleare, duke i z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar me ato t\u00eb SHBA-ve, ai i kompleksoi edhe ekspert\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur t\u00eb siguris\u00eb amerikane. Presidenti Trump \u00ebsht\u00eb duke \u00e7uar p\u00ebrpara nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme ndryshe, ku q\u00ebllimet e pararend\u00ebsve t\u00eb vet ndryshojn\u00eb nga synimet e tij. Ai ka qasje ndryshe ndaj politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe shpesh vepron me strategji ndryshe. List\u00ebs \u201cndryshe\u201d i shtohen edhe nj\u00eb mori karakteristikash, t\u00eb cilat \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur t\u00eb listohen n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb artikull sipas p\u00ebrshkrimit q\u00eb i b\u00ebn Nye.<\/p>\n

Kosova n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme amerikane<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kosova z\u00eb vend n\u00eb librin e Nye, kuptohet m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti gjat\u00eb administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb presidentit Clinton (1993-2001). Kur Clinton e d\u00ebrgoi n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb Sekretarin e ri t\u00eb Shtetit, Warren Christopher, shum\u00eb evropian\u00eb u ndan\u00eb t\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjyer nga mungesa e lidershipit t\u00eb ri amerikan, ngaq\u00eb ishin m\u00ebsuar me administrat\u00ebn aktive t\u00eb presidentit Bush. Sipas Nye, kur Serbia nd\u00ebrmori masa represive ndaj kosovar\u00ebve duke ushtruar edhe spastrim etnik, presidenti Clinton nuk lejoi t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritej nj\u00eb Ruand\u00eb apo Bosnje tjet\u00ebr. P\u00ebr t\u00eb mos e lejuar k\u00ebt\u00eb, ai synonte t\u00eb merrte drit\u00ebn e gjelb\u00ebr nga K\u00ebshilli i Sigurimit p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorimin e forc\u00ebs n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me kapitullin shtat\u00eb t\u00eb Kart\u00ebs s\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb, por q\u00eb bllokohej nga Federata Ruse dhe Kina. Megjithat\u00eb, Clinton vendosi ta ndaloj\u00eb spastrimin etnik. Ai u pajtua p\u00ebr bombardime nga ajri, por jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebrguar trupa tok\u00ebsor\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Clinton e arsyetonte intervenimin per\u00ebndimor si intervenim humanitar, i cili kishte legjitimitet moral edhe pse ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i diskutuesh\u00ebm sipas t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe q\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti kritikohet nga realist\u00ebt. Lufta e Kosov\u00ebs (dhe jo si\u00e7 e quajn\u00eb disa konflikti n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb) u fut p\u00ebr disa muaj n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje pa rrug\u00ebdalje n\u00eb raportet amerikano-ruse. Clinton kishte investuar shum\u00eb koh\u00eb dhe shpenzuar shum\u00eb energji q\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb raport personal me presidentin rus Boris Yeltsin me bindjen e p\u00ebrhapjes s\u00eb rrymave dhe vlerave demokratike edhe n\u00eb Federat\u00ebn Ruse. Por, Clinton kishte n\u00eb krah dy njer\u00ebz me memorie t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, Sekretaren e Shtetit Madeleine Albright dhe shokun e studimeve Strobe Talbott. P\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00ebn dihet shum\u00eb, mjafton t\u00eb lexohet librit i Talbott\u00a0Dora e Rusis\u00eb: Nj\u00eb kujtim i diplomacis\u00eb presidenciale<\/em>. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim Clinton b\u00ebri edhe hapa t\u00eb guximsh\u00ebm, saq\u00eb ai e zgjati dor\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit edhe m\u00eb tutje me Rusin\u00eb. Ai i ofroi Rusis\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb pjes\u00eb e G8-t\u00ebs. Nd\u00ebrsa, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr arriti zgjerimin e NATO-s drejt Evrop\u00ebs Lindore, e cila ishte padyshim nj\u00eb shuplak\u00eb p\u00ebr perandorin\u00eb n\u00eb shuarje sovjetike.<\/p>\n

Kat\u00ebr rrymat e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme amerikane<\/strong><\/p>\n

Walter Russel Mead nj\u00eb profesor tjet\u00ebr i njohur amerikan ka arritur suksessh\u00ebm ta reduktoj\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme tradicionale amerikane n\u00eb kat\u00ebr rryma teorike, t\u00eb bazuara dhe t\u00eb em\u00ebrtuara nga ish-politikan\u00eb amerikan\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Rryma e par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb hamiltoniane e quajtur me emrin e nj\u00ebrit nga baballar\u00ebt t\u00eb SHBA-ve dhe ministrit t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb Thesarit t\u00eb SHBA-ve, Alexander Hamilton (1755-1804). Hamiltonian\u00ebt p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00eb variant t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme amerikane, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb internacionale, por e bazuar n\u00eb faktorin e fuqis\u00eb, pra realiste. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera ata synojn\u00eb tregti t\u00eb integruar globale, por me kushte t\u00eb favorshme p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb nacionale duke e p\u00ebrkrahur me masa stimuluese dhe mbrojt\u00ebse. P\u00ebr ta \u00e7uar p\u00ebrpara k\u00ebt\u00eb qasje Hamilton synonte nj\u00eb qeverisje t\u00eb centralizuar me nj\u00eb ekonomi t\u00eb fort\u00eb q\u00eb ruan stabilitetin e brendsh\u00ebm dhe vepron jasht\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm. Presidenti George H. W. Bush (1988-1992) mund t\u00eb etiketohet si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i k\u00ebsaj rryme.<\/p>\n

Wilsonist\u00ebt bazohen n\u00eb principin sipas t\u00eb cilit politika e jashtme e SHBA-ve ka detyrim moral n\u00eb p\u00ebrhapje vlerave e demokratike sociale amerikane, sepse vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb arrihet nj\u00eb bot\u00eb paq\u00ebsore e bazuar n\u00eb rregullat dhe normat e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. P\u00ebrhapja e k\u00ebtyre vlerave do t\u00eb ishte n\u00eb interesin nacional t\u00eb SHBA-ve. Kjo rrym\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb vizionin e presidentit Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921), i cili gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore d\u00ebrgoi dy milion\u00eb ushtar\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb bot\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt duke mposhtur t\u00eb keqen. Ai ideoi krijimin e Lig\u00ebs s\u00eb Kombeve dhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb Gjykate Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Vizioni i tij ishte nj\u00eb p\u00ebrzierje e p\u00ebrkufizimit t\u00eb normave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nd\u00ebrmjet shteteve, tregtis\u00eb liberale, siguris\u00eb kolektive dhe parimit t\u00eb vet\u00ebvendosjes q\u00eb do duhej t\u00eb siguronte paqen globale. Pra, wilsonist\u00ebt jan\u00eb e kund\u00ebrta e izolacionst\u00ebve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb fokus e kan\u00eb veten e tyre, por multilateralist\u00eb. Presidenti Bill Clinton (1993-2001) \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues tipik i k\u00ebsaj rryme.<\/p>\n

Jeffersonist\u00ebt i takojn\u00eb rrym\u00ebs s\u00eb tret\u00eb e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb oponenca e wilsonist\u00ebve, ngaq\u00eb ata nuk b\u00ebjn\u00eb thirrje p\u00ebr p\u00ebrhapje t\u00eb vlerave demokratike amerikane dhe per\u00ebndimore, por p\u00ebr fokusim tek nacionalja. Pra e kund\u00ebrta e nj\u00eb politike t\u00eb jashtme aktive. Ithtar\u00ebt e k\u00ebsaj rryme nuk jan\u00eb internacionalist\u00eb, por as izolacionist\u00eb sikurse jacksonian\u00ebt. E bazuar n\u00eb idet\u00eb e presidentit t\u00eb tret\u00eb amerikan Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809), kjo rrym\u00eb synon t\u00eb shmang\u00eb detyrimet p\u00ebr aleanca me shtetet e tjera, ngaq\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb e rrit\u00eb rrezikun e futjes n\u00eb luft\u00eb. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera kjo rrym\u00eb dallon shum\u00eb nga hamiltonian\u00ebt dhe wilsonist\u00ebt. Fjalimet e presidentit Barack Obama (2009-2017), ku ai fliste p\u00ebr fuqin\u00eb dhe dometh\u00ebnien e shembullit t\u00eb SHBA-ve n\u00eb bot\u00eb, si nj\u00eb sh\u00ebmb\u00eblltyr\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u2019i l\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypje bot\u00ebs, jan\u00eb elemente tipike t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kategorie.<\/p>\n

Jacksonist\u00ebt bazohen n\u00eb vizionin e presidentit t\u00eb shtat\u00eb amerikan, Andrew Jackson (1829-1837), sipas t\u00eb cilit q\u00ebllimi i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme amerikane duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb siguria dhe mir\u00ebqenia e qytetar\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb, pra izolacionsit\u00eb klasik\u00eb dhe unilateralist\u00eb. Jacksonist\u00ebt i kushtojn\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi fuqizimit t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb dhe gatishm\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr konflikte t\u00eb mundshme. P\u00ebr jacksonist\u00ebt, nd\u00ebrhyja e SHBA-ve n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare vet\u00ebm se \u00e7ka i shkakton kok\u00eb\u00e7arje vetes. Jacksonist\u00ebt ndihmojn\u00eb shtetet e tjera ku t\u00eb munden, por synojn\u00eb m\u00ebnjanimin e konflikteve apo luft\u00ebrave. Por, n\u00ebse vendi sulmohet sikurse n\u00eb Pearl Harbor apo sikurse m\u00eb 11 shtator 2001 at\u00ebher\u00eb lufta, edhe pse mjet i pad\u00ebshiruesh\u00ebm, b\u00ebhet i pashmangsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Kat\u00ebr rryma n\u00eb nj\u00eb makin\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kur Mead e botoi librin e tij\u00a0Parashikimi Special: Politika e Jashtme Amerikane dhe si e ndryshoi bot\u00ebn<\/em>\u00a0n\u00eb vitin 2002, ai e p\u00ebrmbylli librin duke analizuar muajt e fundit t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb Clinton, politik\u00ebn e jashtme t\u00eb s\u00eb cilit e krahasoi m\u00eb nj\u00eb makin\u00eb. Metafora me makin\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb si n\u00eb vijim. N\u00eb ul\u00ebsen e p\u00ebrparme, jan\u00eb ulur wilsonist\u00ebt dhe hamiltonian\u00ebt, ngaq\u00eb jan\u00eb dakorduar q\u00eb makin\u00ebn ta ngasin shpejt, por q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb marr\u00eb vesh p\u00ebr kursin (shpejt\u00ebsin\u00eb) m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Derisa k\u00ebmb\u00ebt e tyre ishin s\u00eb bashku duke shtypur gazin, ata filluan t\u00eb luftojn\u00eb p\u00ebr timonin. Jeffersonist\u00ebt t\u00eb ulur prapa shoferit ankoheshin m\u00eb z\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb se makina po shkonte shum\u00eb shpejt dhe se po b\u00ebnte kthesa t\u00eb gabuara. T\u00eb tri rrymat \u200b\u200bishin aq t\u00eb z\u00ebna kund\u00ebr nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs, saq\u00eb n\u00eb fillim asnj\u00ebra prej tyre nuk vuri re q\u00eb motori, pra jacksonist\u00ebt, p\u00ebrkrahja e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb makin\u00ebs fuqin\u00eb dhe drejtim, nuk po reagonte m\u00eb. Hamiltonian\u00ebt dhe wilsonist\u00ebt shtypnin gazin, por kot, makina vazhdoi t\u00eb ngadal\u00ebsohej. Megjithat\u00eb, ajo nuk u ndal. Makina kishte ende fuqi nga e kaluara, kur motori jacksonian dha gjith\u00e7ka p\u00ebr Luft\u00ebn e Ftoht\u00eb. M\u00eb von\u00eb, kur makina drejtohej teposht\u00eb, politika e jashtme ishte e leht\u00eb. Por me kalimin e koh\u00ebs makina duksh\u00ebm ngadal\u00ebsohej dhe po b\u00ebhej gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u ngjitur n\u00eb kodra.<\/p>\n

M\u00ebsimet e nxjerra nga kjo metafor\u00eb mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshme, por p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e jashtme amerikane, rrjedhimisht edhe at\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, jan\u00eb vendimtare. Sipas metafor\u00ebs s\u00eb makin\u00ebs, r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia fillon padyshim aty, te vendi ku ulet secili. \u00c7do ulje n\u00eb sedilje e ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e vet, sikurse ai q\u00eb e mban timonin dhe ai q\u00eb e shtyp gazin. T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto radhitje do t\u2019i m\u00ebsojm\u00eb m\u00eb 4 n\u00ebntor.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Edhe pak jav\u00eb kan\u00eb mbetur deri n\u00eb zgjedhjet presidenciale t\u00eb 3 n\u00ebntorit, ku gara elektorale nd\u00ebrmjet dy kandidat\u00ebve, presidentit Donald J. Trump dhe sfiduesit Joe Biden, tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u zhvilluar n\u00eb \u00e7do cep t\u00eb SHBA-ve. Deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve procesi elektoral do t\u00eb ket\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb panjohura, por ajo q\u00eb dihet deri m\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":407,"featured_media":8889,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[664,656],"ppma_author":[738],"class_list":["post-5405","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosovo","tag-usa"],"authors":[{"term_id":738,"user_id":407,"is_guest":0,"slug":"faruk-ajeti","display_name":"Faruk Ajeti","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ajeti","first_name":"Faruk","description":"Dr. Faruk Ajeti \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor shkencor n\u00eb Institutin Austriak p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb vitit akademik 2019\/20 ishte visiting scholar i Fondacionit Austriak t\u00eb Planit Marshall n\u00eb Institutin p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme n\u00eb Universitetin Johns Hopkins n\u00eb Washington DC."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5405","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/407"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5405"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5405\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8892,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5405\/revisions\/8892"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8889"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5405"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5405"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5405"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5405"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}