{"id":5463,"date":"2019-08-27T10:29:28","date_gmt":"2019-08-27T08:29:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5463"},"modified":"2025-11-27T14:14:05","modified_gmt":"2025-11-27T12:14:05","slug":"nje-lindje-e-veshtire-por-e-natyrshme","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/opinion\/nje-lindje-e-veshtire-por-e-natyrshme\/","title":{"rendered":"Nj\u00eb lindje e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, por e natyrshme"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Q\u00eb nga nd\u00ebrhyrja e NATO-s n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, m\u00eb 1999, e deri m\u00eb 17 shkurt 2008, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ka pasur ndryshime, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb ardh\u00eb si domosdoshm\u00ebri e nj\u00eb varg rrethanave. Padyshim se k\u00ebto ishin ndryshime substanciale p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb kosovare dhe p\u00ebr pozit\u00ebn juridiko-politike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Meqen\u00ebse, p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre nj\u00ebzet vjet\u00ebve politika kosovare pothuajse zhvillohej n\u00eb var\u00ebsi t\u00eb dinamikave \u00e7liruese dhe shtetformuese, at\u00ebher\u00eb ndryshimi n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike ishte shum\u00eb i vog\u00ebl, gati i shp\u00ebrfillsh\u00ebm. Strukturat politike q\u00eb kishin dal\u00eb nga lufta dhe ato q\u00eb vinin nga paralufta ishin (dhe disa ende jan\u00eb) t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara n\u00ebp\u00ebrmes direktivave t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm brenda tyre dhe ndryshimi n\u00ebp\u00ebrmes delegimit b\u00ebhej sa p\u00ebr sy e faqe. N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha partit\u00eb pushteti koncentrohej te lideri apo nj\u00eb grup i vog\u00ebl, ku antar\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb mund t\u00eb subordinoheshin n\u00eb sistem.<\/span><\/h3>\n<\/div>\n
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Pra, kjo form\u00eb centraliste e udh\u00ebheqjes s\u00eb partive p\u00ebr nj\u00ebzet vjet ka krijuar struktura parapolitike, p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilave pastaj \u00ebsht\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar nepotizmi dhe klientelizmi, sepse duke qen\u00eb se udh\u00ebheqja b\u00ebhej nga nj\u00eb grusht njer\u00ebzish t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm, detyroheshin q\u00eb pushteti t\u00eb ushtrohej n\u00eb dy forma: e para, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmes njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm, q\u00eb ishin t\u00eb af\u00ebrmit e tyre (m\u00eb mir\u00eb nj\u00eb dreq i yti, se sa nj\u00eb melaqe e huaj), krijuan nj\u00eb\u00a0rrjet t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs farefisnore\u00a0<\/em>si n\u00eb pushtetin lokal, ashtu edhe n\u00eb at\u00eb qendror. Duke qen\u00eb se k\u00ebta njer\u00ebz ishin vendosur n\u00ebp\u00ebr hierarki jo p\u00ebr at\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb ata p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonin, por p\u00ebr at\u00eb se kush ishin, pra jo se e njihnin pun\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ishin caktuar, por se t\u00eb fuqishmit kishin besim te ta, u krijua nj\u00eb rrjet i njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb padijsh\u00ebm, inkompetent\u00eb dhe t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgjegjsh\u00ebm e korruptiv\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo\u00a0 form\u00eb e ushtrimit t\u00eb pushtetit duket se e determinoi pastaj krijimin e form\u00ebs klienteliste, sepse p\u00ebrderisa te forma nepotiste ishte besimi ai q\u00eb i mbante bashk\u00eb, duhej q\u00eb edhe elektorati t\u00eb lidhej me di\u00e7ka q\u00eb e kusht\u00ebzonte at\u00eb. Prandaj, k\u00ebtu nuk ekzistonte besim i mjaftuesh\u00ebm (sepse paranoja e k\u00ebtyre njer\u00ebzve q\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqnin k\u00ebto grupe ishte p\u00ebrcaktuese n\u00eb veprimet dhe vendimet e tyre), duhej q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzoheshin. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb masive u shp\u00ebrndan\u00eb vende pune n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb militanti dhe votuesi partiak t\u00eb kthehej n\u00eb klient. Secili duhej t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzohej, pastaj t\u00eb bindej. Prandaj, k\u00ebto dy m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb ushtrimit t\u00eb pushtetit kan\u00eb prodhuar nj\u00eb klas\u00eb politike t\u00eb korruptuar, kriminale dhe k\u00ebshtu shum\u00eb sektor vital t\u00eb shtetit u vun\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht n\u00eb mir\u00ebmbajtje t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre strukturave parapolitike. I gjith\u00eb ky keqmenaxhim kishte edhe nj\u00eb impakt shum\u00eb negativ edhe p\u00ebr vet\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb (e cila nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt e pafajshme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb krijuar n\u00ebn hund\u00ebt e saj), sepse nepotizmi dhe klientelizmi domosdoshm\u00ebrisht do ta determinojn\u00eb orientimin e resurseve njer\u00ebzore p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime t\u00eb veta, pra, n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. P\u00ebr shembull, arsimi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebra nga ato shtyllla t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb q\u00eb u shfryt\u00ebzua nga pushteti p\u00ebr mir\u00ebmbajtjen e tij, qoft\u00eb edhe me kushtin e shkat\u00ebrrimit.<\/p>\n

Kosova e 1999-t\u00ebs edhe e shkat\u00ebrruar, shihej si shpres\u00eb p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit, por nga kjo m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e ushtrimit t\u00eb pushtetit, m\u00eb 2019 u b\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjimi i tyre. Pas \u00e7lirimit m\u00eb 1999, njer\u00ebzit e d\u00ebbuar dhunsh\u00ebm nga Kosova po ktheheshin pothuajse n\u00eb marsh me plot shpres\u00eb n\u00eb vendin e tyre, n\u00eb\u00a0tok\u00ebn e shkret\u00eb<\/em>, s\u00eb cil\u00ebs, pas nj\u00ebzet vjet\u00ebsh nga keqqeverisja, detyrohen t\u2019ia kthejn\u00eb shpin\u00ebn p\u00ebr ta l\u00ebn\u00eb shkret. Pra, para nj\u00ebzet vjet\u00ebsh iknim nga dhuna e aparatit shtet\u00ebror serb, kurse nj\u00ebzet vjet pas ikim nga keqqeverisja e politikanve tan\u00eb. Prandaj, me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb shtrohet pyetja dhe insistohet n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjje t\u00eb saj, se a ka shpres\u00eb, apo a mundet dikush ta rikthej\u00eb at\u00eb?! \u00cbsht\u00eb klishe kur thuhet se\u00a0shpresa nd\u00ebrtohet<\/em>, mir\u00ebpo, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Kush mund ta nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb shpres\u00eb t\u00eb re n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shoq\u00ebri plot zhg\u00ebnjim? Natyrisht, jo ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb kontribuar n\u00eb rr\u00ebnimin e saj. Prandaj, jam i mendimit, jo entuziast, se ndryshimi i diskursit q\u00eb po ndodh k\u00ebto dit\u00eb parazgjedhore, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb d\u00ebshmi se kemi nj\u00eb\u00a0hop cil\u00ebsor<\/em>\u00a0si n\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb, ashtu edhe n\u00eb ofert\u00eb. K\u00ebrkesa \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshohet kjo m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e qeverisjes s\u00eb deritanishme dhe t\u00eb vendoset nj\u00eb qeveri dhe qeverisje m\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjegjshme. Kurse oferta (sidomos) jep shpres\u00eb p\u00ebr filizat e ndryshimit t\u00eb mentalitetit politik t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e d\u00ebshmon nominimi i Vjosa Osmanit kandidate p\u00ebr kryeministre. Ky transformim nga ana e LDK-s\u00eb i p\u00ebr\u00e7on dy mesazhe. Mesazhi i par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se kjo parti po shk\u00ebputet nga organizimi q\u00eb kishte origjin\u00eb nga para dhe paslufta, pra organizim q\u00eb i p\u00ebrket \u00e7lirimit dhe shtetformimit dhe po futet n\u00eb nj\u00eb etap\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtimit, mir\u00ebpo me nj\u00eb ndryshim substancial, me figura t\u00eb reja. Kurse mesazhi i dyt\u00eb, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmes k\u00ebtij veprimi t\u00eb LDK-s\u00eb q\u00eb i p\u00ebrcillet sken\u00ebs politike n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, \u00ebsht\u00eb se ajo duhet t\u00eb transformohet si n\u00eb form\u00eb, ashtu edhe n\u00eb substanc\u00eb. Po shpresoj se konkurenca m\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb mes individ\u00ebve t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga kthinat parapolitike, q\u00eb i paracaktojn\u00eb rregullat e loj\u00ebs politike, por nj\u00eb konkurenc\u00eb konstruktive n\u00ebp\u00ebrmes ideve. Pra, me k\u00ebt\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb tanindodhur edhe formalisht, LDK-ja ka b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb kap\u00ebrcim nga nj\u00eb LDK e krijuar n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, po p\u00ebr rrethana t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, n\u00eb nj\u00eb LDK e cila merret me probleme t\u00eb zakonshme, e kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb formalisht, kurse se sa do t\u00eb mund ta kapitalizoj\u00eb edhe p\u00ebrmbajt\u00ebsisht k\u00ebt\u00eb ndryshim mbetet t\u00eb shihet n\u00eb vazhdim. Mir\u00ebpo, duhet theksuar se nga ky moment ne jemi n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb nj\u00eb faze t\u00eb re, faz\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00eb politikan\u00ebt m\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb vijn\u00eb apo ta mbajn\u00eb pushtetin n\u00ebp\u00ebrmes\u00a0background-it<\/em> t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs militare, apo shprehjeve t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb lidhen me patriotizmin \u00e7lirimtar dhe shtetformues. N\u00eb Republik\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs ka ardhur koha q\u00eb t\u00eb qeveriset, jo m\u00eb me at\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb ke p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar dikur (respekt dhe mir\u00ebnjohje), por p\u00ebr at\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb je dhe \u00e7ka ofron p\u00ebr sot q\u00eb t\u00eb jetojm\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb edhe nes\u00ebr.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Q\u00eb nga nd\u00ebrhyrja e NATO-s n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, m\u00eb 1999, e deri m\u00eb 17 shkurt 2008, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ka pasur ndryshime, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb ardh\u00eb si domosdoshm\u00ebri e nj\u00eb varg rrethanave. Padyshim se k\u00ebto ishin ndryshime substanciale p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb kosovare dhe p\u00ebr pozit\u00ebn juridiko-politike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Meqen\u00ebse, p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre nj\u00ebzet vjet\u00ebve politika kosovare pothuajse zhvillohej n\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":266,"featured_media":7972,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[548],"ppma_author":[733],"class_list":["post-5463","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-politics"],"authors":[{"term_id":733,"user_id":266,"is_guest":0,"slug":"dritan-dragusha","display_name":"Dritan Dragusha","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/dritan.webp","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/dritan.webp"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Dragusha","first_name":"Dritan","description":"Dritan Dragusha \u00ebsht\u00eb i diplomuar n\u00eb filozofi, n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Dritani \u00ebsht\u00eb i fokusuar n\u00eb teori t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs dhe gjithashtu n\u00eb let\u00ebrsi, kinema dhe muzik\u00eb. Po ashtu, merret edhe me gazetari. \u00cbsht\u00eb kolumnist i rregullt n\u00eb platform\u00ebn online \"sbunker.net\". Ka qen\u00eb edhe m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebn\u00ebs i filozofis\u00eb dhe etik\u00ebs n\u00eb \"The British School Kosova\". Bashkautor n\u00eb projektin kulturor televiziv \"Filozofema\", n\u00eb Radio Televizionin e Kosov\u00ebs. Aktualisht Dritani \u00ebsht\u00eb autor dhe moderator i emisionit \"Prizma\", n\u00eb televizionin T7."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5463","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/266"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5463"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5463\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13532,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5463\/revisions\/13532"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7972"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5463"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5463"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5463"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5463"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}