{"id":5465,"date":"2020-08-28T14:49:05","date_gmt":"2020-08-28T12:49:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5465"},"modified":"2024-10-24T14:51:43","modified_gmt":"2024-10-24T12:51:43","slug":"nuk-ka-ekonomi-pa-politike","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/nuk-ka-ekonomi-pa-politike\/","title":{"rendered":"Nuk ka Ekonomi pa Politik\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>&#8220;Ne besojm\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrparim n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet ekonomike, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb krijimin e vendeve t\u00eb pun\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebrshpejtimin e rritjes ekonomike, si hap i par\u00eb drejt p\u00ebrparimit n\u00eb procesin e paqes\u201d, kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb John Ullyot, Z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsi i K\u00ebshillit p\u00ebr Siguri Komb\u00ebtare i ShBA-ve. Deklarata e Ullyot i referohej pritjeve t\u00eb Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb nga takimi i 4 shtatorit n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb dialogut t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me Serbin\u00eb. Kjo deklarat\u00eb jehon deklarimet e m\u00ebhershme t\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebrguarit t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm t\u00eb Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb p\u00ebr dialogun, Ambasadorit Richard Grenell, i cili n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi deklaronte se synimi i tij ishte zhvilimi ekonomik e jo \u00e7\u00ebshtjet politike.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo ndarje mes ekonomis\u00eb dhe politik\u00ebs u p\u00ebrbrend\u00ebsua me shpejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb drit\u00ebs nga p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb partive t\u00eb caktuara politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. \u201cN\u00eb Sht\u00ebpi t\u00eb Bardh\u00eb do t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr ekonomi\u201d, thoshte nj\u00ebra. \u201cZhvillimi ekonomik e krijimi i vendeve t\u00eb pun\u00ebs jan\u00eb prioritet\u201d, ia priste tjetri. Sakaq, pav\u00ebmendsh\u00ebm, e p\u00ebr m\u00eb keq n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jokritike, deputet\u00ebt tan\u00eb u b\u00ebn\u00eb Grenella. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb u b\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues amerikan\u00eb. Dhe k\u00ebshtu p\u00ebrfundoi qershori dhe korriku. Tash jemi n\u00eb gusht. Takimi i shum\u00ebpritur n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb po afrohet. Dhe tash, pak a shum\u00eb 10 dit\u00eb para takimit, jemi p\u00ebrmend\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb fakt, dialogun t\u00eb cilin po e k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb tash e sa koh\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ai p\u00ebr njohje. Pra, po k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje politike. Gati se po b\u00ebhemi antiamerikan\u00eb (smile).<\/p>\n<p>Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se nuk kemi nj\u00eb ecje t\u00eb vog\u00ebl p\u00ebrpara. Vet\u00ebdij\u00ebsimi se nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb ekonomi pa politik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht i dobish\u00ebm p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb e jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb parimi baz\u00eb i pushtetit, pavar\u00ebsisht ideologjis\u00eb s\u00eb k\u00ebtij t\u00eb fundit. Prej t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs e te e majta, k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i lidhur ngusht\u00eb me ekonomin\u00eb (nganj\u00ebher\u00eb i determinuar, shpeshher\u00eb i kusht\u00ebzuar dyansh\u00ebm). Ekonomia \u00ebsht\u00eb e varur kryek\u00ebput nga politika (qasja ideologjike e vendimmarrja institucionale) ashtu si\u00e7 e ndikon skajsh\u00ebm sistemin politik (p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb shtresave t\u00eb ndryshme politike bartin vlera t\u00eb ndryshme ideologjike var\u00ebsisht interesave t\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar\u00ebve).<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb shpesh d\u00ebgjojm\u00eb sesi disa prej gj\u00ebrave t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb jetike p\u00ebr vendin nuk duhen politizuar! Madje k\u00ebt\u00eb e d\u00ebgjojm\u00eb shpesh edhe n\u00eb Kuvendin e Republik\u00ebs. Dhe at\u00eb nga deputet\u00ebt! Natyrisht se k\u00ebtu leht\u00eb mund t\u00eb themi se deklarimet e tilla jan\u00eb \u2018rr\u00ebshqitje gjuhe\u2019. Madje edhe mund ta marrim me n\u00ebnqeshje. Pra \u00e7far\u00eb q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb t\u00eb thon\u00eb ata, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb \u2018mospolitizim\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb shpeshher\u00eb vrojtimi i st\u00ebrp\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb diskursin politik e publik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb: q\u00eb partit\u00eb politike q\u00ebndrimet i bazojn\u00eb n\u00eb interesat e tyre vetanake, her\u00eb individuale, her\u00eb grupore e klanore, nganj\u00ebher\u00eb, gjithnj\u00eb partiake e elektorale, por asnj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb interes t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe aq e leht\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ta quajm\u00eb qasje t\u00eb kulluar politike. Sidoqoft\u00eb kjo qasje ng\u00ebrthen n\u00eb vete probleme dhe k\u00ebrkon trajtim m\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb. Por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb objekt i k\u00ebtij shkrimi.<\/p>\n<p>T\u2019i kthehemi tem\u00ebs: Politizimi i ekonomis\u00eb. Filozofi marksist Louis Althusser, e b\u00ebn nj\u00eb kritik\u00eb interesante ndaj ideve revolucionare t\u00eb cilat barrikadohen n\u00eb istikame dogmatike, t\u00eb cilat e humbin v\u00ebrtet\u00ebsin\u00eb meq\u00eb pamund\u00ebsojn\u00eb trajtimin dialektik. K\u00ebshtu ai thot\u00eb se p\u00ebrpjekja revolucionare e p\u00ebrqendruar vet\u00ebm te ekonomia e duke e mohuar politik\u00ebn p\u00ebrfundon n\u00eb pragmatiz\u00ebm, ashtu si\u00e7 p\u00ebrfundon n\u00eb aventur\u00eb ajo q\u00eb insiston te politikja pa e \u00e7ar\u00eb kok\u00ebn p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Dialogu me Serbin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb tejet t\u00eb brisht\u00eb, me shum\u00eb t\u00eb panjohura (s\u00eb paku p\u00ebr publikun), por edhe shum\u00eb kompleks. K\u00ebshtu ai n\u00eb asnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb nuk b\u00ebn t\u00eb na rr\u00ebshqas\u00eb n\u00eb aventur\u00eb. Por qe besa edhe pragmatizmi i skajsh\u00ebm mund ta d\u00ebmtoj\u00eb q\u00ebllimin final. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur t\u00eb flas\u00ebsh p\u00ebr nj\u00ebr\u00ebn pa folur p\u00ebr t\u00eb dyja \u2013 marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Serbin\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb edhe politike edhe ekonomike. Sepse problemet q\u00eb i kemi me Serbin\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb dyja natyrave (politike dhe ekonomike) duke anuar r\u00ebnd\u00eb kah ato politike. \u00cbsht\u00eb statusi politik i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast ai q\u00eb e determinon llojin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve ekonomike, q\u00eb do t\u2019i ket\u00eb Kosova me Serbin\u00eb. A do t\u00eb jen\u00eb ato marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie mes dy vendeve t\u00eb pavarura sipas parimit t\u00eb reciprocitetit e fqinj\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb mir\u00eb si\u00e7 k\u00ebrkon Kosova, apo marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie mes Provinc\u00ebs dhe Qendr\u00ebs si\u00e7 insiston t\u2019i nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb Serbia? Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pyetje themelore n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb (n\u00eb secil\u00ebn faz\u00eb) t\u00eb dialogut mes dy vendeve. Dhe k\u00ebtu pragmatizmi i Grenellit (i pranuar nga ne n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo kritike) mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb problematik. P.sh. te marr\u00ebveshjet p\u00ebr transportin ajror, apo rrugor. Infrastruktura ne vete nuk bart konotacione politike. Rrjedhimisht etablimi i linj\u00ebs ajrore mes Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit, apo nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb autoudhe q\u00eb e lidh Prishtin\u00ebn me Nishin, duken politikisht neutrale. Dhe natyrisht q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb dobishme. Por k\u00ebto megjithat\u00eb jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm infrastruktur\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb naive t\u00eb mendohet se \u201cDialogu p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie ekonomike\u201d i proklamuar aq shum\u00eb p\u00ebrfundon n\u00eb 3-4 marr\u00ebveshje infrastrukturore. \u201cMarr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie ekonomike t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuara\u201d do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte marr\u00ebveshje q\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb kah unifikimi i tregut, q\u00eb kusht\u00ebzon integrim progresiv n\u00eb zinxhirin e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb vler\u00ebs, e q\u00eb mir\u00ebmbahet nga qarkullimi plot\u00ebsisht i lir\u00eb i mallrave, kapitalit, fuqis\u00eb pun\u00ebtore, teknologjis\u00eb e inovacionit. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, duke e pasur parasysh kontestin dhe kontekstin, kjo do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte edhe marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorim t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb resurseve natyrore e indrustriale, t\u00eb cilat t\u00eb dyja vendet i pretendojn\u00eb t\u00eb tyret. E k\u00ebtu tashm\u00eb po flasim p\u00ebr nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb politike brenda s\u00eb cil\u00ebs ndodhin k\u00ebto bashk\u00ebpunime ekonomike. Cila \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo? K\u00ebt\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb na e tregonin krer\u00ebt institucional\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Mosp\u00ebrgatitja p\u00ebr nj\u00eb dialog t\u00eb till\u00eb (dhe k\u00ebtu vet\u00ebm po supozoj q\u00eb nuk jemi t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur) ka rrezik t\u00eb na e shnd\u00ebrroj\u00eb dialogun n\u00eb pragmatiz\u00ebm avanturistik. Deri tash n\u00eb publik \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfolur vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb ide\/korniz\u00eb sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoheshin \u201cMarr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuara ekonomike\u201d \u2013 ajo e nxjerr\u00eb nga nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb e Ambasadorit Grenell, e i cili e propozon modelin e Zon\u00ebs s\u00eb Ve\u00e7ant\u00eb Ekonomike-ZVE (si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb aplikuar ajo n\u00eb qytetin Shenzen t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs) si korniz\u00eb e nd\u00ebrveprimit ekonomik mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb kjo ide mbetet e paqart\u00eb sepse e paqart\u00ebsuar. ZVE karakterizohen me leht\u00ebsime t\u00eb caktuara ekonomike q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren si incentiva p\u00ebr kompanit\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit ta bartin fizikisht aktivitetin ekonomik brenda zon\u00ebs. K\u00ebto incentiva varirojn\u00eb prej leht\u00ebsimeve tatimore te kushtet infrastrukturore, prej fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb lir\u00eb pun\u00ebtore e deri te rregullativat e relaksuara mjedisore. S\u00eb pari, n\u00ebse l\u00ebvizet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, nuk dihet cili do t\u00eb jet\u00eb kufiri gjeografik i k\u00ebtij qerthulli ekonomik, ose k\u00ebtyre qerthujve ekonomik\u00eb. Pastaj \u00e7far\u00eb ndikimi do t\u00eb ken\u00eb k\u00ebto n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb? Cila do t\u00eb jet\u00eb cil\u00ebsia e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar aty? \u00c7far\u00eb kushte do t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb k\u00ebto p\u00ebr pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt?\u00a0 Cilat do t\u00eb jen\u00eb implikimet mjedisore nga koncentrimi i aktivitetit ekonomik brenda nj\u00eb zone t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb? ZVE \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb se e ndikojn\u00eb hovsh\u00ebm zhvillimin ekonomik t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi. Si\u00e7 ka ndodhur edhe n\u00eb Shenzen t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs (model pastaj i replikuar edhe n\u00eb zona tjera brenda Kin\u00ebs). Por ato nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht kan\u00eb shkaktuar eksploatim t\u00eb skajsh\u00ebm t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb pun\u00ebtore (meq\u00eb nj\u00ebra prej incentivave \u00ebsht\u00eb fuqia e lir\u00eb pun\u00ebtore me kushte t\u00eb r\u00ebnduara t\u00eb pun\u00ebs e pa organizim sindikal) dhe rritje enorma t\u00eb emetimit t\u00eb dioksidkarbonit n\u00eb aj\u00ebr (si pasoj\u00eb e investimeve t\u00eb mang\u00ebta n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb mjedisit si dhe si pasoj\u00eb e koncentrimit t\u00eb aktivitetit industrial n\u00eb nj\u00eb zon\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuar gjeografike).<\/p>\n<p>Por problemet e mundshme mund t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb edhe m\u00eb larg. Cilat do t\u00eb jen\u00eb implikimet politike t\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqie t\u00eb till\u00eb ekonomike brenda territoreve t\u00eb t\u00eb dyja vendeve (duke supozuar q\u00eb qerthujt mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb territoreve t\u00eb t\u00eb dyja vendeve)? Si do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet administrimi politik i k\u00ebtyre qerthujve mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb? A do t\u00eb rregullohen ato? Nga kush? Kosova? Serbia? Institucionet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta? Cilat jan\u00eb k\u00ebto institucione? E k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. K\u00ebta qerthuj mund t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb \u2018Zajednica\u2019 t\u00eb kapitalit. Gjithsesi ky shkrim bazohet n\u00eb spekulime p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb informatave. T\u00eb m\u00ebsip\u00ebrmet jan\u00eb disa nga pyetjet bazike q\u00eb lindin n\u00eb momentin kur dalin n\u00eb publik ide t\u00eb tilla. Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb n\u00eb asnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb dialogu do t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb drejt k\u00ebsaj ideje. E as q\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimi ekonomik mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr ai rajonal, \u00ebsht\u00eb i d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm n\u00eb vete.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrkundrazi, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i domosdosh\u00ebm dhe bart potencial t\u00eb madh zhvillimi e rritjeje t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr sigurimin e paqes s\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme n\u00eb rajon. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim Kosova nuk b\u00ebn t\u00eb jet\u00eb apriori kund\u00ebr nismave p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim. Por nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb as P\u00cbR apriori. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitja dhe ravij\u00ebzimi i qart\u00eb i interesave tona, si dhe strategjia se si nismat e tilla mund t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb interesave tona, por edhe t\u00eb rajoni n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi \u2013 s\u00eb pari atyre shoq\u00ebrore e pastaj politike e ekonomike \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00ebja m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Ne nuk mund t\u00eb k\u00ebrcejm\u00eb kah bashk\u00ebpunimi ekonomik pa i trajtuar \u00e7\u00ebshtjet politike, ato t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, e pa e arritur nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn. Po ashtu pa u siguruar q\u00eb po merremi vesh p\u00ebr t\u00eb tashmen, q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton njohjen e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nga Serbia si dhe p\u00ebrfundimin e subjektivitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Por edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen, e q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton llojin e nd\u00ebrveprimit e bashk\u00ebpunimit rajonal (edhe t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me Serbin\u00eb, por jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me Serbin\u00eb).<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb fjalimin kontrovers t\u00eb tij, t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb Mitrovic\u00eb n\u00eb shtator t\u00eb vitit 2018, Presidenti i Serbis\u00eb e ka pasur nj\u00eb fjali programatike: \u201cDhe e kam p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim q\u00eb ky vend [Serbia v.j.] t\u00eb jet\u00eb i madh, jo p\u00ebr shkak se do ta pushtoj\u00eb Ballkanin ose bot\u00ebn, por p\u00ebr shkak se do ta pushtoj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen me pun\u00eb, dije \u2026\u201d N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb program t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, shprehur nga Vuqiq n\u00eb Mitrovic\u00eb, shp\u00ebrfaqet lufta ekonomike p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen. Dhe n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj lufte do t\u00eb ravij\u00ebzohen marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet tona ekonomike. Pra, ato mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb raporte barazie t\u00eb interesit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb, ose raporte var\u00ebsie bazuar n\u00eb hegjemoni. Kjo mbase \u00ebsht\u00eb Tema e takimit m\u00eb 4 shtator.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>&#8220;Ne besojm\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrparim n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet ekonomike, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb krijimin e vendeve t\u00eb pun\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebrshpejtimin e rritjes ekonomike, si hap i par\u00eb drejt p\u00ebrparimit n\u00eb procesin e paqes\u201d, kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb John Ullyot, Z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsi i K\u00ebshillit p\u00ebr Siguri Komb\u00ebtare i ShBA-ve. Deklarata e Ullyot i referohej pritjeve t\u00eb Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb nga takimi i 4 shtatorit [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":338,"featured_media":9114,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1006,998],"ppma_author":[350],"class_list":["post-5465","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-ekonomi","tag-politike"],"authors":[{"term_id":350,"user_id":338,"is_guest":0,"slug":"visar-ymeri","display_name":"Visar Ymeri","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/oo.png","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/oo.png"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ymeri","first_name":"Visar","description":"Visar Ymeri \u00ebsht\u00eb Drejtor Ekzekutiv i Institutit p\u00ebr Politika Sociale \u201cMusine Kokalari\u201d."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5465","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/338"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5465"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5465\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9115,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5465\/revisions\/9115"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9114"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5465"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5465"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5465"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5465"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}