{"id":5561,"date":"2020-07-17T14:12:31","date_gmt":"2020-07-17T12:12:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5561"},"modified":"2024-10-08T11:09:42","modified_gmt":"2024-10-08T09:09:42","slug":"roli-i-be-se-ne-kosove-nuk-ka-te-beje-me-parate","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/opinion\/roli-i-be-se-ne-kosove-nuk-ka-te-beje-me-parate\/","title":{"rendered":"Roli i BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb: Nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me parat\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Nj\u00eb nga \u00e7\u00ebshtjet q\u00eb i kan\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuar miqt\u00eb n\u00eb Bruksel dhe kryeqytetet e tjera t\u00eb BE \u00ebsht\u00eb se si BE-ja nuk ka t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin ndikim n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb n\u00eb krahasim me Sh.B.A., kur \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb donator shum\u00eb m\u00eb i madh p\u00ebr vendin. K\u00ebto deklarata nuk u d\u00ebgjuan kurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, sepse n\u00eb praktik\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb t\u00eb dy jan\u00eb par\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj, t\u00eb dy akter\u00ebt shpesh kan\u00eb reaguar bashk\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gam\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjesh, dhe shihen si partner\u00eb jetik\u00eb p\u00ebr shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb ardhmen e saj.<\/p>\n

Vet\u00ebm n\u00ebn IPA II, fondet indikative nga BE p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn p\u00ebr periudh\u00ebn 2014-2020 jan\u00eb mbi 600 milion\u00eb euro. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 mb\u00ebshtetjes financiare, BE \u00ebsht\u00eb partneri kryesor i qeveris\u00eb n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e reformave sektoriale n\u00eb korniz\u00ebn e procesit t\u00eb integrimit. N\u00eb nivelin burokratik BE \u00ebsht\u00eb pa konkurrenc\u00eb sa i p\u00ebrket qasjes, ndikimit dhe bashk\u00ebpunimit q\u00eb ka me administrat\u00ebn vendore. Sa i p\u00ebrket nivelit politik, sidomos prej vitit 2011, Kosova ka qen\u00eb kryesisht duke shikuar kah Brukseli p\u00ebr udh\u00ebzime, me nj\u00eb \u00e7mim shum\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb politik p\u00ebr lider\u00ebt vendor\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb quajtur mes gj\u00ebrave t\u00eb tjera edhe tradhtar\u00eb nd\u00ebrsa makinat e tyre jan\u00eb sulmuar me domate.<\/p>\n

Pra, nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me at\u00eb q\u00eb BE ka m\u00eb pak ndikim n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, por m\u00eb shum\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me fushat ku koh\u00ebt e fundit agjencia e saj \u00ebsht\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar. M\u00eb konkretisht kjo ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me procesin e normalizimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. \u00c7far\u00eb ka ndryshuar? Duket se problemet e koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet transatlantike po imponohen padrejt\u00ebsisht n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet BE-Kosov\u00eb, duke na nxitur n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre t\u00eb zgjedhim nj\u00ebrin prej tyre, gj\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e \u00e7uditshme. N\u00eb Dialogun e Brukselit Sh.B.A. ishte e pranishme gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs, madje u p\u00ebrdor nga Komisioni Evropian p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushtruar ndikim mbi delegacionin e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb pranuar kompromise, dhe kjo qasje kishte sukses. Sidoqoft\u00eb, muajt e fundit Kosova duket se ka shfryt\u00ebzuar nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar strategjin\u00eb q\u00eb “mungesa e zgjidhjes, \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhje” n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb pranohet.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e thjesht\u00eb t\u00eb thuhet se arsyet e telasheve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kosov\u00eb-BE p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimin e dialogut kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me pozicionin neutral t\u00eb statusit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, sepse ekzistojn\u00eb pes\u00eb shtete an\u00ebtare q\u00eb nuk e njohin pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs. Sidoqoft\u00eb, situata nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb komplekse. Para s\u00eb gjithash, ekziston nj\u00eb histori e dhimbshme e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb rajonit me BE n\u00eb lidhje me neutralitetin. Sipas Annemarie Peen Rodt dhe Stefan Wolff: “… p\u00ebrgjigja fillestare e Komunitetit Evropian (KE) ndaj kriz\u00ebs Jugosllave ishte t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte t\u00eb mbante shtetin Jugosllav t\u00eb paprekur dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbante problemin. [\u2026] KE mb\u00ebshteti planin e Presidentit Milo\u0161evi\u0107 p\u00ebr t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtuar federat\u00ebn Jugosllave brenda kufijve t\u00eb saj ekzistues, dhe u p\u00ebrpoq t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorte fuqin\u00eb e saj si nj\u00eb pesh\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb ekonomike p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje paqeje duke ofruar ndihm\u00eb p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunuan dhe duke k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar ta ndalonte p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb refuzuan.” (1) Kjo qasje e paq\u00ebsimit drejt Millosheviqit d\u00ebmtoi seriozisht besueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb syt\u00eb e akter\u00ebve vendas.<\/p>\n

Neutraliteti ndaj statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs supozohet se n\u00ebnkupton, q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as p\u00ebr as kund\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb disa raste gjestet dhe praktikat e tjera nga ana e BE-s\u00eb duket se tregojn\u00eb se neutraliteti ishte i nj\u00ebansh\u00ebm. Shembulli m\u00eb i fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb takimi i Komisionerit p\u00ebr Fqinj\u00ebsi dhe Zgjerim Z. Oliver Varhelyi me Presidentin serb Vu\u00e7iq ku shihet nj\u00eb lib\u00ebr propagandistik p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn q\u00ebndron i ekspozuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb transparente mes t\u00eb dyve. Titulli i librit “Trash\u00ebgimia e Krishter\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs dhe Metohis\u00eb: Zemra historike dhe shpirt\u00ebrore e popullit serb” mbart nj\u00eb mesazh t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm politik, i ngjash\u00ebm me at\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur gjer\u00ebsisht nga Millosheviqi, e q\u00eb synon t\u00eb portretizoj\u00eb “luft\u00ebn” e Serbis\u00eb me Kosov\u00ebn si fetare dhe n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb krishterimit, di\u00e7ka q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb absurde. \u00a0Duke pasur parasysh k\u00ebtu gjithashtu faktin q\u00eb kishat katolike shqiptare nuk u kursyen nga sulmet e koordinuara kund\u00ebr trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb kulturore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb vitet 1990 (p.sh., kisha e Sh\u00ebn Ndout n\u00eb Gjakov\u00eb). Kjo ideologji vazhdon t\u00eb nxis\u00eb grupet ekstremit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi dhe BE nuk duhet t\u00eb shihet q\u00eb pa dashje po validon pretendime t\u00eb tilla.<\/p>\n

Duke iu rikthyer pyetjes kryesore q\u00eb diskuton ky artikull: \u00e7far\u00eb i jep SHBA-s\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb ndikim n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb? Pra, nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me parat\u00eb. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr faktin q\u00eb kosovar\u00ebt ndjehen t\u00eb refuzuar dhe t\u00eb n\u00ebn\u00e7muar nga BE. N\u00eb kuadrin e procesit t\u00eb liberalizimit t\u00eb vizave, shum\u00eb kosovar\u00eb mendojn\u00eb se fakti q\u00eb jemi t\u00eb izoluar nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb, pasi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve n\u00eb rajon iu dha liberalizimi i vizave, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr faktit q\u00eb kemi plot\u00ebsuar dy her\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb kushte q\u00eb u k\u00ebrkuan nga vendet e tjera, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shenj\u00eb se problemi aktual q\u00eb disa shtete an\u00ebtare n\u00eb BE mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb me Kosov\u00ebn ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb me stereotipet dhe paragjykimet.<\/p>\n

Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kritik\u00eb ndaj BE-s\u00eb, por nj\u00eb apel p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar arsyet e situat\u00ebs aktuale. BE mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar situat\u00ebn. Arroganca nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjja e duhur. Forcimi i besueshm\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb BE \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr procesin e transformimit demokratik t\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb pasazh nga libri i\u00a0 \u201cIdentiteti Europian i Shqiptar\u00ebve\u201d nga Ismail Kadare ofron nj\u00eb sh\u00ebnim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr reflektim, si p\u00ebr akter\u00ebt vendas ashtu edhe p\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb: \u201cRaportet me Europ\u00ebn s\u2019mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb ve\u00e7se t\u00eb qarta e pa dyfytyr\u00ebsi. Mesazhi i Europ\u00ebs m\u00eb 1997-\u00ebn dhe 1999-\u00ebn, ishte i qart\u00eb. Ajo na quante t\u00eb vet\u00ebt ashtu si\u00e7 ishim, me at\u00eb identitet q\u00eb kishim. E vetmja k\u00ebrkes\u00eb e saj ishte ajo q\u00eb iu b\u00eb gjith\u00eb popujve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb ish-Lindjes komuniste: emancipimi, demokracia\u201d<\/p>\n

——<\/p>\n

(1) – Annemarie Peen Rodt and Stefan Wolff (2012) ‘EU conflict management in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia’, in The European Union as a Global Conflict Manager, 1st edition, eds. Richard Whitman and Stefan Wolff (Abingdon: Routledge, 2012), pp.138-139<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n
\n

\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nj\u00eb nga \u00e7\u00ebshtjet q\u00eb i kan\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuar miqt\u00eb n\u00eb Bruksel dhe kryeqytetet e tjera t\u00eb BE \u00ebsht\u00eb se si BE-ja nuk ka t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin ndikim n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb n\u00eb krahasim me Sh.B.A., kur \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb donator shum\u00eb m\u00eb i madh p\u00ebr vendin. K\u00ebto deklarata nuk u d\u00ebgjuan kurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, sepse n\u00eb praktik\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":164,"featured_media":7972,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[672,664],"ppma_author":[193],"class_list":["post-5561","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-eu","tag-kosovo"],"authors":[{"term_id":193,"user_id":164,"is_guest":0,"slug":"ramadan-ilazi","display_name":"Ramadan Ilazi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-2-9.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-2-9.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ilazi","first_name":"Ramadan","description":"Kandidat p\u00ebr PhD p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb dhe Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin e Qytetit t\u00eb Dablinit (DCU) dhe studiues i lart\u00eb n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn Kosovare P\u00ebr Studime t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb (KCSS)"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5561","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/164"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5561"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5561\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8052,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5561\/revisions\/8052"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7972"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5561"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5561"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5561"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5561"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}