{"id":5584,"date":"2020-06-29T16:02:48","date_gmt":"2020-06-29T14:02:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5584"},"modified":"2024-10-23T16:06:02","modified_gmt":"2024-10-23T14:06:02","slug":"virusi-covid-19-infekton-fuqine-e-bute-te-shba-se","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/virusi-covid-19-infekton-fuqine-e-bute-te-shba-se\/","title":{"rendered":"Virusi Covid-19 \u201cinfekton\u201d fuqin\u00eb e but\u00eb t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Jo t\u00eb gjitha shtetet arrit\u00ebn t\u00eb p\u00ebrballen nj\u00ebjt\u00eb m\u00eb pandemin\u00eb Covid-19. Disa ishin m\u00eb efektive, duke e mbajtur numrin e t\u00eb infektuarve dhe t\u00eb vdekurve n\u00eb nivele t\u00eb ul\u00ebta. T\u00eb tjerat, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, nuk ishin edhe aq t\u00eb suksesshme. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, pas analizimit t\u00eb situat\u00ebs, studiues t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm konkluduan se menaxhimi adekuat, ose jo, i pandemis\u00eb nga ana e shteteve, varet kryek\u00ebput nga sistemi politik q\u00eb ato kan\u00eb. Disa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb vendosen theksin tek lidershipi politik i vendeve. Madje, kishte t\u00eb till\u00eb q\u00eb supozonin se gjinia ka luajtur rol jetik n\u00eb aft\u00ebsit\u00eb menaxhuese: shtetet q\u00eb kan\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse politike gra, kan\u00eb p\u00ebrformuar m\u00eb mir\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo, ne ende nuk kemi t\u00eb dh\u00ebna t\u00eb sakta dhe matje shkencore q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb nxjerrim p\u00ebrfundime t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme p\u00ebr asnj\u00ebr\u00ebn nga k\u00ebto pandehma. Por, t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto supozime, dhe shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb, n\u00eb studimet e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, njihet si fuqi e but\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ishte autori\u00a0Joseph Nye<\/a>\u00a0i cili konceptin e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb but\u00eb e shtjelloj duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb operacional. Sipas tij, th\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhtas,\u00a0fuqia e but\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb kultur\u00ebn, vlerat dhe m\u00ebnyrat e ndryshme q\u00eb vendet p\u00ebrdorin p\u00ebr t\u00eb shtrir\u00eb ndikimin e tyre dhe krijimin e nj\u00eb imazhi t\u00eb caktuar. N\u00eb politik\u00eb, sidomos n\u00eb at\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare,\u00a0reputacioni<\/em>\u00a0ka \u00e7do her\u00eb rend\u00ebsi. Bashk\u00eb me burimet e \u201cforta\u201d t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb shteteve (si: ushtria, popullsia, zhvillimi ekonomit etj.),\u00a0kredibiliteti<\/em>\u00a0konsiderohet nd\u00ebr burimet jetike t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb. Andaj, kur cenohet\u00a0reputacioni<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0kredibiliteti<\/em>\u00a0i shtetit, kjo n\u00ebnkupton se edhe aft\u00ebsia e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb shtrir\u00eb ndikimin \u00ebsht\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar. Duket se menaxhimi i dob\u00ebt i pandemis\u00eb ka korrelacion me kapacitetin e shteteve p\u00ebr t\u00eb projektuar fuqin\u00eb e but\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. S\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi, m\u00ebnyra se si ShBA-ja e ka menaxhuar kriz\u00ebn e pandemis\u00eb Covid-19, ka cenuar duksh\u00ebm reputacionin e saj dhe zbehur kapacitetet e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb but\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsive, koncepti i fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb but\u00eb mund t\u00eb matet p\u00ebrmes dy dimensioneve kryesore: kapacitetit dhe q\u00ebllimit. Sa i p\u00ebrket dimensionit t\u00eb kapacitetit, sidomos n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb pandemis\u00eb, ShBA-t\u00eb nuk d\u00ebshmuan t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitura si duhet p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrballur me k\u00ebt\u00eb s\u00ebmundje, duke shfaqur k\u00ebshtu probleme n\u00eb sistemin e tyre\u00a0sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor<\/a>\u00a0dhe ofrimin e sh\u00ebrbimeve adekuate. K\u00ebto v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera, lidheshin edhe me mungesat n\u00eb furnizime me mjete jetike p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar apo trajtuar infektimin, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb maskat apo ventilator\u00ebt. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, evident ishte edhe mungesa e vullnetit politik e ShBA-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar mb\u00ebshtetje dhe ekspertiz\u00eb p\u00ebr shtetet mike e aleate dhe mosinteresimi, p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb rol udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs dhe koordinues n\u00eb p\u00ebrballje me pandemin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, Kina, shteti q\u00eb u p\u00ebrball i pari me Covid-19, pas leht\u00ebsimit t\u00eb situat\u00ebs dhe k\u00ebndelljes relative, filloj t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor ofrimin e ndihm\u00ebs dhe ekspertiz\u00ebs p\u00ebr shtete tjera t\u00eb bot\u00ebs si mekaniz\u00ebm t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb but\u00eb. Kjo qasje, q\u00eb njihet si \u201cdiplomacia e maskave<\/a>\u201d apo \u201cCovid diplomaci<\/a>\u201d, n\u00eb disa shtete kishte sukses. Kur kontingjenti i par\u00eb i ndihm\u00ebs me material mjek\u00ebsor arriti n\u00eb Beograd, Presidenti Serb Vucic e priti delegacionin duke e\u00a0puthur<\/a>\u00a0flamurin Kinez. Zyrtar\u00ebt n\u00eb\u00a0Hungari<\/a>\u00a0minimizuan ndihm\u00ebn e pranuar nga Bashkimi Evropian, duke thurur lavde p\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtetjen e marr\u00eb nga Kina. Kurse,\u00a0Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs \u00c7eke<\/a>\u00a0kishte deklaruar se Kina ishte shteti i vet\u00ebm q\u00eb i\u2019u q\u00ebndroj af\u00ebr gjat\u00eb shp\u00ebrthimit t\u00eb virusit. Kjo qasje e sofistikuar u p\u00ebrdor nga Kina p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar imazhin e saj, pas akuzave brutale t\u00eb b\u00ebra nga shum\u00eb vende p\u00ebr keq-menaxhim t\u00eb situat\u00ebs,\u00a0mos-ndarjes s\u00eb informacionit<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb nevojsh\u00ebm rreth virusit me koh\u00eb dhe v\u00ebnies n\u00eb lajthitje t\u00eb\u00a0Organizat\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb Sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsis\u00eb (OBSh-s\u00eb)<\/a>, duke mos u dh\u00ebn\u00eb informatat t\u00eb sakta dhe azhure. Andaj, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, u p\u00ebrdor fuqia e but\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur reputacionin e vendit, duke transmetuar mesazhin se sistemi politik Kinez jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb arriti t\u00eb p\u00ebrballej suksessh\u00ebm me pandemin\u00eb, por po luan rol krucial, si lider global, duke ofruar mb\u00ebshtetje dhe ndihma p\u00ebr shtetet n\u00eb nevoj\u00eb. Kjo strategji, si duket, ishte rezultative. N\u00eb nj\u00eb studim t\u00eb realizuar nga\u00a0Universiteti Johns Hopkins<\/a>, 95% t\u00eb respondent\u00ebve vler\u00ebsuan se Kina ishte treguar e suksesshme n\u00eb menaxhimin e pandemis\u00eb. N\u00eb rastin e ShBA-s\u00eb, nj\u00ebjt\u00eb mendonin vet\u00ebm 53% e t\u00eb anketuarve.<\/p>\n

Sa i p\u00ebrket\u00a0q\u00ebllimit<\/em>, si nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr dimensionet e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb but\u00eb, ShBA-t\u00eb, deri m\u00eb tani, nuk kan\u00eb treguar ndonj\u00eb interes t\u00eb theksuar q\u00eb t\u00eb marrin rol udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs, n\u00eb nivel global, p\u00ebr t\u00eb harmonizuar interesat e shteteve dhe, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehej n\u00eb plan veprimi konkret, n\u00eb p\u00ebrballje m\u00eb pandemin\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, sfida globale e pandemis\u00eb mund t\u00eb vler\u00ebsohet si momenti i par\u00eb n\u00eb histori, pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, ku ShBA-t\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb rol prij\u00ebs dhe vendimtar. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe, Administrata Trump m\u00eb shum\u00eb ishte interesuar t\u00eb akuzonte Kin\u00ebn p\u00ebr keq-menaxhimin e situat\u00ebs, sesa t\u00eb koordinonte nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb harmonizuar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Kjo munges\u00eb evidente e vullnetit t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj administrate, shp\u00ebrfaqet edhe tek insistimi kok\u00ebfort\u00eb i Sekretarit t\u00eb Shtetit, Mike Pompeo, n\u00eb takimin e G7-t\u00ebs t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb mars, se virusi Covid-19 t\u00eb quhet \u201cvirusi i Vuhanit<\/a>\u201d, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb ky insistim t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorej p\u00ebr t\u00eb harmonizuar q\u00ebndrimet e interesat dhe, s\u00eb paku, t\u00eb 7 shtetet t\u00eb dalin me nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen.<\/p>\n

Abdikimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjen n\u00eb menaxhimin e pandemis\u00eb dhe, \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb po ashtu jetike, p\u00ebr t\u00eb projektuar zgjidhje optimale p\u00ebr kriz\u00ebn ekonomike q\u00eb ka goditur globin, e ka minuar fuqin\u00eb e but\u00eb amerikane gjithandej. Duke qen\u00eb shteti me numrin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb\u00a0infektuarve dhe vdekurve<\/a>, ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb kapaciteti ShBA-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur zgjidhje optimale p\u00ebr problemet e vet\u00eb amerikan\u00ebve t\u00eb shihet me sy skeptik nga pjesa tjet\u00ebr e bot\u00ebs. Kjo ka shp\u00ebrfaqur edhe problemet e sistemit t\u00eb tyre politik, duke v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje efikasitetin e modelit\u00a0federalist<\/a>\u00a0dhe (pa)aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrballur me pandemin\u00eb. Fuqia e but\u00eb e nj\u00eb shteti dhe kapaciteti p\u00ebr t\u2019a projektuar at\u00eb globalisht, varet nga funksionimi i duhur i sistemit politik. Pa nj\u00eb qeverisje t\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe funksionale n\u00eb nivel nacional, fuqia e but\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht\u00eb nj\u00eb fllusk\u00eb sapuni. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, pa p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi dhe vullnet p\u00ebr veprim konkret nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb shtetit, fuqia e but\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e pa vler\u00eb dhe nuk prodhon efekt p\u00ebr forcimin e pozicionit t\u00eb shtetit n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, \u00ebsht\u00eb me rend\u00ebsi t\u00eb theksohet, Administrata Trump nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se i ka kushtuar rend\u00ebsi t\u00eb madhe diplomacis\u00eb publike q\u00eb nga fillimi i marrjes s\u00eb mandatit. Konsolidimi i diplomacis\u00eb multilaterale apo edhe marrja e lidershipit n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nuk ka qen\u00eb karakteristik\u00eb e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj administrate. Madje, n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve, ka ndodhur pik\u00ebrisht e kund\u00ebrta. Mosinteresimi n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e but\u00eb, si nj\u00eb faktor i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i diplomacis\u00eb publike, \u00ebsht\u00eb identifikuar edhe nga platforma e specializuar \u201cPortland\u201d, respektivisht p\u00ebrmes indeksit\u00a0Soft Power 30<\/a>, ku identifikohet nj\u00eb r\u00ebnie signifikante e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb but\u00eb amerikane, q\u00eb nga ardhja n\u00eb pushtet e presidentit Trump. N\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e koh\u00ebs Trump e ka v\u00ebn\u00eb theksin n\u00eb elemente t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb fort\u00eb, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb instrumentet ekonomike apo edhe ato ushtarake. Por, si\u00e7 e thekson Henry Kissinger, rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar nuk varet vet\u00ebm nga balancimi i fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb fort\u00eb, por edhe nga perceptimi i legjitimitetit, i cili varet kryek\u00ebput nga fuqia e but\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb konferenc\u00eb me gazetar\u00eb, i pyetur p\u00ebr rolin e tij n\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur vendet m\u00eb t\u00eb goditura nga virusi, Trump deklaroj se: \u201cun\u00eb jam President i ShBA-s\u00eb\u2026jo president i vendeve tjera<\/a>\u201d. Qasja e till\u00eb vet\u00eb-centrike, \u201cAmerika e para\u201d, e n\u00ebnvler\u00ebson rolin udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs dhe r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb jetike q\u00eb kan\u00eb ShBA-t\u00eb n\u00eb sistemin dhe shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb p\u00ebrballje me kriza. Menaxhimi i rr\u00ebmujsh\u00ebm q\u00eb i kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb goditjes nga virusi Covid-19, qasja improvizuese e \u201cpolitik\u00ebs s\u00eb papara-shikueshm\u00ebris\u00eb\u201d s\u00eb Presidentit Trump dhe abstenimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur rol udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje globale, e ka zvet\u00ebnuar fuqin\u00eb e but\u00eb t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb duke e nxjerr\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn t\u00eb par\u00ebn. Por, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, k\u00ebsaj radhe t\u00eb par\u00ebn p\u00ebr nga numri i t\u00eb vdekurve dhe t\u00eb infektuarve me virusin Covid-19.<\/p>\n

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Jo t\u00eb gjitha shtetet arrit\u00ebn t\u00eb p\u00ebrballen nj\u00ebjt\u00eb m\u00eb pandemin\u00eb Covid-19. Disa ishin m\u00eb efektive, duke e mbajtur numrin e t\u00eb infektuarve dhe t\u00eb vdekurve n\u00eb nivele t\u00eb ul\u00ebta. T\u00eb tjerat, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, nuk ishin edhe aq t\u00eb suksesshme. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, pas analizimit t\u00eb situat\u00ebs, studiues t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm konkluduan se menaxhimi adekuat, […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":402,"featured_media":9058,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[646,999],"ppma_author":[688],"class_list":["post-5584","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-covid-19","tag-shba"],"authors":[{"term_id":688,"user_id":402,"is_guest":0,"slug":"alfred-marleku","display_name":"Alfred Marleku","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Marleku","first_name":"Alfred","description":"Alfred Marleku ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet bachelor, master dhe ato t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenca politike. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin \u201cUBT\u201d, Fakultetin e Shkencave Politike.\r\n\r\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet ka punuar si menaxher i projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb financuara nga Komisioni Evropian, USAID-i, Ambasada Amerikane etj., t\u00eb cilat fokusohen, kryesisht, n\u00eb reformat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim (R&D); kthimin e trurit; zhvillimin e plan-programeve n\u00eb harmoni me nevojat e tregut etj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik si k\u00ebshilltar politik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5584","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/402"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5584"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5584\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9059,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5584\/revisions\/9059"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9058"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5584"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5584"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5584"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5584"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}