{"id":5919,"date":"2022-05-20T11:39:04","date_gmt":"2022-05-20T09:39:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5919"},"modified":"2024-10-18T11:42:08","modified_gmt":"2024-10-18T09:42:08","slug":"polarizimi-politik-gjate-pandemise-dhe-ndikimi-ne-punen-e-oshc-ve","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/opinion\/polarizimi-politik-gjate-pandemise-dhe-ndikimi-ne-punen-e-oshc-ve\/","title":{"rendered":"Polarizimi politik gjat\u00eb pandemis\u00eb dhe ndikimi n\u00eb pun\u00ebn e OShC-ve"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>Ironikisht, Kosova p\u00ebrjetoi jostabilitetin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh politik gjat\u00eb ballafaqimit me pandemin\u00eb COVID-19. N\u00eb periudh\u00ebn mes 2020-2021, Kosova p\u00ebrjetoi ndryshimin e tri qeverive, nga Albin Kurti (mars 2020) te Avdullah Hoti (qershor 2020), e pastaj prap\u00eb te Kurti (mars 2021).<\/p>\n<p>Kriza politike n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb u shkaktua nga pandemia, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr pandemia u shfryt\u00ebzua p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfitime politike.<\/p>\n<p>Polarizimi politik n\u00eb vend betonoi kriza t\u00eb vazhdueshme. Masat e nd\u00ebrmarra p\u00ebr ta menaxhuar numrin e t\u00eb infektuarve me COVID-19 ndikuan direkt n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e qytetar\u00ebve. Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi i vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb i cili gjat\u00eb pandemis\u00eb p\u00ebrdori mocion mosbesimi, rr\u00ebzoi dy qeveri, kaloi n\u00eb kriz\u00eb institucionale e kushtetuese dhe mbajti dy pal\u00eb zgjedhje.<\/p>\n<p>Sikur kjo t\u00eb mos mjaftonte, dor\u00ebheqja e ministrit t\u00eb Sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsis\u00eb, Arben Vitija, p\u00ebr t\u00eb garuar n\u00eb zgjedhje lokale ia vuri kapakun k\u00ebtij muhabeti. Kjo tregon qartazi nivelin e (mos)p\u00ebrgjegjshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb politikan\u00ebve kosovar\u00eb ndaj qytetar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n<p>Ballafaqimi institucional ndaj kriz\u00ebs sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsore n\u00eb terma t\u00eb kufizimit t\u00eb lirive themelore krijoi nj\u00eb dram\u00eb globale. Megjithat\u00eb, shtetet me demokraci t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillta arrit\u00ebn q\u00eb ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb limitimin e lirive individuale n\u00eb harmoni me kushtetut\u00ebn e tyre respektive dhe parimet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs, kriza politike dhe polarizimi i skajsh\u00ebm politik b\u00ebri q\u00eb dy pjes\u00ebt e ekzekutivit t\u00eb binin ndesh me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin sa u p\u00ebrket p\u00ebrmasave t\u00eb kufizimit t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, e si pasoj\u00eb u cenua demokracia.<\/p>\n<p>Vendimet e Qeveris\u00eb Kurti I p\u00ebr menaxhimin e pandemis\u00eb dhe masat e marra p\u00ebr parandalimin e p\u00ebrhapjes s\u00eb COVID-19, p\u00ebrfshinin kufizim t\u00eb liris\u00eb s\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes, kufizim t\u00eb tubimeve dhe or\u00eb policore, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjerash.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebto masa nuk ishin n\u00eb proporcion me t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, t\u00eb cilat i garanton akti m\u00eb i lart\u00eb juridik n\u00eb vend, me \u00e7\u2019rast shtyn\u00eb presidentin e at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm, Hashim Tha\u00e7i, t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb nga Gjykata Kushtetuese q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Gjykata Kushtetuese konstatoi se k\u00ebto vendime ishin jokushtetuese, duke argumentuar se masat nuk ishin t\u00eb parashkruara me ligj dhe k\u00ebshtu shkelnin lirit\u00eb individuale. Nd\u00ebrkaq ish-presidenti Tha\u00e7i propozonte t\u00eb shpallej gjendje e jasht\u00ebzakonshme, gjendje e cila do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte mobilizim t\u00eb Forc\u00ebs s\u00eb Siguris\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendin.<\/p>\n<p>According to\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/kryeministri.rks-gov.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/03\/Kushtetuta.e.Republikes.se_.Kosoves-2.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nenit 131, paragrafi 8<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, definohet se me shpallje t\u00eb gjendjes s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, kompetencat ekzekutive i kalojn\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb, i cili sipas Kushtetut\u00ebs, gjat\u00eb gjendjeve emergjente drejtohet nga presidenti.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb parim, shpallja e gjendjes s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme mund t\u00eb arrihet vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse plot\u00ebsohen kushtet t\u00eb cila i parasheh Kushtetuta, nd\u00ebr to koordinimi i presidentit dhe kryeministrit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb till\u00eb. Th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe, propozimi i Tha\u00e7it nuk mund t\u00eb kishte sukses pa miratimin e Kurtit.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebrkesa e presidentit pati ndikim thelb\u00ebsor n\u00eb relacionin LDK-LVV, ku ministri i at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm i Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Brendshme dhe Administrat\u00ebs Publike, Agim Veliu, mb\u00ebshteste plot\u00ebsisht propozimin e Tha\u00e7it. Veliu, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjerash, ishte nj\u00eb figur\u00eb mjaft\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme brenda LDK-s\u00eb dhe g\u00ebzonte influenc\u00eb brenda partis\u00eb. Pozicionimi i Veliut mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje u pasua me shkarkim nga pozita e ministrit, gj\u00eb e cila intensifikoi mosmarr\u00ebveshjet brenda koalicionit t\u00eb brisht\u00eb LVV-LDK. Si kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje, LDK-ja inicioi mocion mosbesimi ndaj Kurtit, gj\u00eb q\u00eb rezultoi me rr\u00ebzimin e Qeveris\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Tutje, duke konsideruar se legjislacioni i at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm nuk lejonte kufizim t\u00eb lirive n\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa drastike dhe hendeku ligjor ishte m\u00eb se ekzistues, pas verdiktit t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese n\u00eb raport me vendimet e Qeveris\u00eb Kurti I, Kuvendi miratoi\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/gzk.rks-gov.net\/ActDetail.aspx?ActID=30819\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Ligjin Nr. 07\/L-006<\/a>\u00a0p\u00ebr Parandalimin dhe Luftimin e Pandemis\u00eb COVID-19 n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Kriza politike dhe institucionale gjithashtu pati ndikim n\u00eb pun\u00ebn e organizatave t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile dhe t\u00eb mediave.<\/p>\n<p>In a recent\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/pips-ks.org\/sq\/Detaje\/ArtMID\/1446\/ArticleID\/4235\/Ndikimi-politik-i-pandemis235-COVID-19-n235-Kosov235\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hulumtim<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb Institutit t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs p\u00ebr Studime Politike (PIPS), evidentohet se puna e organizatave t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile (OShC) u ndikua n\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Kufizimet financiare dhe kufizimet n\u00eb l\u00ebvizjen e lir\u00eb prek\u00ebn duksh\u00ebm pun\u00ebn e OShC-ve.<\/p>\n<p>Sa i p\u00ebrket fush\u00ebs s\u00eb avokimit, OShC-t\u00eb u detyruan t\u2019i bartin aktivitetet n\u00eb form\u00ebn online, aktivitete t\u00eb cilat pat\u00ebn v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi n\u00eb arritjen e efikasitetit t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ndikim negativ ishte reduktimi i fondeve p\u00ebr zbatimin e projekteve. Reduktimi i fondeve si pasoj\u00eb e paqart\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb zbatimit t\u00eb projekteve \u00e7oi n\u00eb reduktim t\u00eb stafit. Dihet se q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebria e OShC-ve varet nga fondet dhe kjo situat\u00eb krijoi rrezikshm\u00ebri t\u00eb lart\u00eb sidomos p\u00ebr organizatat e vogla.<\/p>\n<p>Duke marr\u00eb parasysh se realizimi i aktiviteteve n\u00eb terren ishte i pamundur, OShC-ve u \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur t\u2019i ristrukturojn\u00eb aktivitetet e tyre dhe t\u2019i rialokojn\u00eb mjetet. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, mungesa e granteve fleksibile p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrshtatur me situat\u00ebn krijoi sfida t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr funksionimin e OShC-ve.<\/p>\n<p>Tutje, mosbashk\u00ebpunimi i institucioneve publike me OShC-t\u00eb rezultoi n\u00eb kufizim t\u00eb qasjes n\u00eb dokumente publike dhe informata t\u00eb cilat mbahen nga institucionet. Niveli i ul\u00ebt i p\u00ebrfshirjes s\u00eb OSHC-ve n\u00eb proceset vendimmarr\u00ebse ndikoi negativisht n\u00eb transparenc\u00eb dhe llogaridh\u00ebnie.<\/p>\n<p>OShC-t\u00eb nuk u p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb as n\u00eb pakon e rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbje ekonomike. P\u00ebrderisa bizneset u ndihmuan nga Qeveria, OShC-t\u00eb nuk pat\u00ebn asnj\u00eb ndihm\u00eb financiare p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrballuar me pasojat e pandemis\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Si p\u00ebrfundim, kriza politike dhe polarizimi i skajsh\u00ebm politik ve\u00e7 krijuan barr\u00eb shtes\u00eb p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt dhe efekte negative n\u00eb menaxhimin e pandemis\u00eb. Krizat e shum\u00ebfishta t\u00eb pandemis\u00eb, politike e kushtetuese, ndikuan negativisht edhe n\u00eb pun\u00ebn e OSHC-ve.<\/p>\n<p><em>Ky artikull \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb projektit \u201cRritja e reagimit t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb\u00a0adresimin e pasojave socio-ekonomike dhe politike t\u00eb COVID-19, p\u00ebrmes prodhimit t\u00eb rekomandimeve t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb prova\u201d,\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetur nga Balkan Trust for Democracy.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ironikisht, Kosova p\u00ebrjetoi jostabilitetin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh politik gjat\u00eb ballafaqimit me pandemin\u00eb COVID-19. N\u00eb periudh\u00ebn mes 2020-2021, Kosova p\u00ebrjetoi ndryshimin e tri qeverive, nga Albin Kurti (mars 2020) te Avdullah Hoti (qershor 2020), e pastaj prap\u00eb te Kurti (mars 2021). Kriza politike n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb u shkaktua nga pandemia, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr pandemia u [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":265,"featured_media":8392,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[972,1414,1413],"ppma_author":[1412],"class_list":["post-5919","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kosove","tag-oshc","tag-polarizimi-politik"],"authors":[{"term_id":1412,"user_id":265,"is_guest":0,"slug":"drita-sylejmani","display_name":"Drita Sylejmani","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/d81e230c4dff0fc56ccacc5155dc4e9e98fefa3bf2af236456430e992175fed3?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Sylejmani","first_name":"Drita","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5919","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/265"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5919"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5919\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8648,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5919\/revisions\/8648"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8392"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5919"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5919"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5919"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5919"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}