{"id":5980,"date":"2022-01-26T13:42:43","date_gmt":"2022-01-26T11:42:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5980"},"modified":"2024-12-23T11:34:15","modified_gmt":"2024-12-23T09:34:15","slug":"tejkalimi-i-asociacionit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/opinion\/tejkalimi-i-asociacionit\/","title":{"rendered":"Tejkalimi i Asociacionit"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Kushdo q\u00eb thekson se Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb pa rrug\u00ebdalje n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Asociacionit, m\u00eb e pakta, nuk e kupton logjik\u00ebn e negociatave e as drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. Madje, nj\u00eb interpretim i till\u00eb i p\u00ebrhapur n\u00eb opinionin publik \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti me natyr\u00ebn dinamike t\u00eb diplomacis\u00eb. Sepse diplomacia, para s\u00eb gjithash, \u00ebsht\u00eb rrug\u00eb me shum\u00eb korsi, kahja e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs determinohet nga vullneti politik, momentumi historik dhe balanca aktuale e fuqis\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb, diplomacia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb loj\u00eb shahu ku kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt luftojn\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fitore t\u00eb plot\u00eb, d\u00ebrrmuese e p\u00ebrfundimtare. Arti i diplomacis\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb i ngjan loj\u00ebs kineze veiqi, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gar\u00eb e vazhdueshme n\u00eb shum\u00eb zona, me plane strategjike e iniciativa q\u00eb p\u00ebr synim kan\u00eb ep\u00ebrsin\u00eb relative. Prandaj, mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb, Qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs duhet t\u00eb rifilloj\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje aktive e ritmike n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb ne i referohemi si diplomacia trek\u00ebndore kosovare.<\/p>\n

Por, fillimisht, duhet sqaruar tem\u00ebn e \u2018obligimeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare\u2019 t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr Asociacionin, pasi jurist\u00ebt kosovar\u00eb deklarojn\u00eb se pavar\u00ebsisht vendimit t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, Kosova nuk mund t\u2019i shmanget p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb \u201ckontraktuale\u201d.<\/p>\n

A ekzistojn\u00eb obligime nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn publike, sikurse n\u00eb raportet juridiko-private, nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje cil\u00ebsohet legalisht e obligueshme n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb lidhur mes pal\u00ebve duke u bazuar n\u00eb procedur\u00ebn e parapar\u00eb dhe n\u00ebse objekti i saj \u00ebsht\u00eb legalisht i mundsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb fakt notor se Kosova dhe Serbia kan\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar dy marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve, nj\u00ebr\u00ebn n\u00eb vitin 2013 dhe tjetr\u00ebn m\u00eb 2015 n\u00eb Bruksel. E para marr\u00ebveshje \u00ebsht\u00eb ratifikuar n\u00eb Kuvendin e Kosov\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo marr\u00ebveshje nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb instrument juridik me rrjedhime detyrimore pasi e \u00a0nj\u00ebjta asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ratifikuar nga Kuvendi i Serbis\u00eb, si pal\u00eb e marr\u00ebveshjes.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb akt juridik mund t\u00eb ekzistoj\u00eb, por do t\u00eb vlej\u00eb vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb kur hyn n\u00eb fuqi \u2013 shkruante dikur Hans Kelsen. Prandaj, shikuar nga ky parim themelor\u00a0kelsenian, m<\/em>arr\u00ebveshja mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb ekziston, por nuk vlen. Marr\u00ebveshja e vitit 2013 nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb akt juridik, pavar\u00ebsisht se k\u00ebt\u00eb e thekson gabimisht edhe Gjykata Kushtetuese e Kosov\u00ebs. Pa ratifikimin e t\u00eb gjitha pal\u00ebve n\u00ebnshkruese, marr\u00ebveshjet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nuk krijojn\u00eb detyrime n\u00eb form\u00ebn q\u00eb proklamohet n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Nj\u00eb analogji historike mund ta sqaroj\u00eb tutje k\u00ebt\u00eb pozicion. Marr\u00ebveshja mes Franc\u00ebs dhe Gjermanis\u00eb pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore nuk krijoi obligime p\u00ebr pal\u00ebt n\u00ebnshkruese pasi ajo nuk u ratifikua nga Parlamenti francez. Madje, mbi baz\u00ebn e k\u00ebsaj premise, marr\u00ebveshja nuk u shqyrtua as nga Gjykata Federale Kushtetuese e Gjermanis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrtej sqarimeve p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e detyrimeve bilaterale nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebrkitazi me Marr\u00ebveshjen e Brukselit, nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pyetje e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme k\u00ebrkon p\u00ebrgjigje. A mund Kosova ta refuzoj\u00eb themelimin e nj\u00eb asociacioni sipas Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Brukselit duke u thirrur n\u00eb Aktgjykimin e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese? \u00a0Jurist\u00ebt q\u00eb deklarojn\u00eb se asnj\u00eb shtet nuk mund t\u2019u shmanget detyrimeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare duke u thirrur n\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e brendshme, me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb citojn\u00eb nj\u00eb parim t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Por, nj\u00eb parim i till\u00eb nuk ka relevanc\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast dhe raste t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb ngjashme.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vendet kontinentale ekzistojn\u00eb dy praktika t\u00eb kontrollit kushtetues t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare: kontrollin kushtetues paraprak dhe t\u00eb m\u00ebpassh\u00ebm. \u00cbsht\u00eb fakt gati i gjith\u00ebpranuesh\u00ebm se n\u00eb rendin juridik komb\u00ebtar marr\u00ebveshjet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare mund t\u00eb rangohen n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb ligjeve nacionale apo mbi to, por gjithnj\u00eb n\u00ebn Kushtetut\u00eb. P\u00ebrjashtim nga ky rregull p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb vet\u00ebm marr\u00ebveshjet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cilave bartet vullnetarisht nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e sovranitetit. Tutje, Serbia nuk do t\u00eb mund ta kund\u00ebrshtoj\u00eb refuzimin kosovar n\u00eb organet e OKB-s\u00eb pasi Marr\u00ebveshja e vitit 2013 nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb regjistruar n\u00eb Sekretariatin e OKB-s\u00eb si\u00e7 parashihet me Kart\u00ebn e k\u00ebsaj organizate.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi e re p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn kosovare<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Diplomacia trek\u00ebndore kosovare duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb ritmike duke u p\u00ebrshtatur me zhvillimet n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Ajo p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb lobimin e vazhduesh\u00ebm n\u00eb tri qendra vendimmarr\u00ebse nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht: Washington, Berlin dhe Paris. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb fusha e manovr\u00ebs diplomatike. Sepse, ShBA-ja tashm\u00eb ka nj\u00eb strategji t\u00eb re n\u00eb vizionin e vet p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn, Gjermania nj\u00eb kancelar t\u00eb ri dhe Franca kryeson BE-m\u00eb dhe mban zgjedhjet e ardhshme n\u00eb vitin 2022. Nj\u00eb diplomaci kosovare potencialisht e suksesshme duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet mbi k\u00ebto kontekste t\u00eb reja gjeopolitike. Por, \u00e7far\u00eb duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb?<\/p>\n

E para, Qeveria duhet ta ndez\u00eb makinerin\u00eb e saj diplomatike. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, vizitat n\u00eb qendrat vendimmarr\u00ebse n\u00eb Washington, Berlin, Paris (dhe Bruksel) duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb agjend\u00eb t\u00eb lidershipit kosovar. N\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb vizitave, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 shtrimit t\u00eb argumenteve, duhet analizuar kohezioni i q\u00ebndrimeve amerikane dhe evropiane n\u00eb lidhje me Asociacionin. Pra takime, sqarime dhe k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulje n\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet kund\u00ebr asociacionit duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb faz\u00ebn aktive t\u00eb ardhshme t\u00eb diplomacis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

E dyta, Qeveria duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb mesazh t\u00eb unifikuar rreth Asociacionit, por i cili duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatet var\u00ebsisht nga subjekti p\u00ebrball\u00eb. Parimet e diplomacis\u00eb ritmike trek\u00ebndore duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohen mbi argumentet juridike dhe politike kund\u00ebr Asociacionit. P\u00ebrderisa argumentet juridike sqarojn\u00eb arsyet se pse Marr\u00ebveshja e vitit 2013 nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb traktat nd\u00ebrmjet dy vendeve, ai politik duhet t\u00eb fokusohet n\u00eb kontekstin e defunksionalizimit t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb multietnike. Marr\u00ebveshja e vitit 2013, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 joobligative, ajo politikisht \u00ebsht\u00eb e rrezikshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor. Krijimi i nj\u00eb asociacioni me kompetenca ekzekutive, si\u00e7 ishte paramenduar me Marr\u00ebveshjen e vitti 2013, do t\u2019i nulifikonte p\u00ebrpjekjet 20-vje\u00e7are t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb demokraci multietnike t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme. Po ashtu, krijimi i nj\u00eb asociacioni t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr ekskluzivisht nga serb\u00ebt lokal\u00eb mund t\u2019i krijoj\u00eb parametrat e nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr strehimin e personave t\u00eb futur n\u00eb list\u00ebn e sanksioneve t\u00eb Departamentit t\u00eb Thesarit t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb. Nj\u00eb narrativ\u00eb e till\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shtrohet posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht tek Administrata Biden, e cila n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet\u00a0Samitit p\u00ebr Demokrac<\/em>i dhe\u00a0Strategjis\u00eb p\u00ebr Luftimin e Korrupsionit<\/em>\u00a0po synon ta rigjall\u00ebroj\u00eb demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr fund, kryeministri Kurti duhet t\u2019i shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb bazat e p\u00ebraf\u00ebrta ideologjike me kancelarin e ri gjerman, Olaf Scholz, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrafrim t\u00eb q\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb me at\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Asociacionit. E sa i p\u00ebrket Franc\u00ebs, Kosova duhet t\u00eb ritheksoj\u00eb se frika e presidentit Macron p\u00ebr \u2018rikthimin e historis\u00eb n\u00eb form\u00ebn m\u00eb tragjike t\u00eb saj\u2019 do t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtohet tutje me themelimin e Asociacionit me kompetenca ekzekutive.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Kushdo q\u00eb thekson se Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb pa rrug\u00ebdalje n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Asociacionit, m\u00eb e pakta, nuk e kupton logjik\u00ebn e negociatave e as drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. Madje, nj\u00eb interpretim i till\u00eb i p\u00ebrhapur n\u00eb opinionin publik \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti me natyr\u00ebn dinamike t\u00eb diplomacis\u00eb. Sepse diplomacia, para s\u00eb gjithash, \u00ebsht\u00eb rrug\u00eb me shum\u00eb korsi, […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":317,"featured_media":11547,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[1383,10],"ppma_author":[329,2175],"class_list":["post-5980","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-asociacioni","tag-dialogu"],"authors":[{"term_id":329,"user_id":317,"is_guest":0,"slug":"mirlind-behluli","display_name":"Mirlind Behluli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/mirlindi-339x215-1.png","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/mirlindi-339x215-1.png"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Behluli","first_name":"Mirlind","description":"Mirlind Behluli \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe shkencave politike. Q\u00eb disa vite \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Institutit EdGuard si hulumtues n\u00eb politikat e arsimit e s\u00eb fundmi edhe ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin Universum n\u00eb Departamentin e Shkenc\u00ebs Politike dhe Juridikut. Momentalisht \u00ebsht\u00eb kandidat p\u00ebr doktoratur\u00eb p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin Istanbul Medeniyet n\u00eb Turqi."},{"term_id":2175,"user_id":561,"is_guest":0,"slug":"durim-berisha","display_name":"Durim Berisha","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/09d01e44a3147d4eede4abec0caf36a9e96898688948a506c21987d48baf3891?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Berisha","first_name":"Durim","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5980","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/317"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5980"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5980\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11548,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5980\/revisions\/11548"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11547"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5980"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5980"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5980"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5980"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}