{"id":6021,"date":"2022-01-21T13:07:02","date_gmt":"2022-01-21T11:07:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6021"},"modified":"2024-10-17T13:09:55","modified_gmt":"2024-10-17T11:09:55","slug":"organizimi-politik-i-grave-nuk-ka-alternative","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/organizimi-politik-i-grave-nuk-ka-alternative\/","title":{"rendered":"Organizimi politik i grave nuk ka alternativ\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Bot\u00ebrisht, dhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, nocioni grua nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb unik. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i \u00e7ar\u00eb, i fragmentuar n\u00eb realitete t\u00eb shumta q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebhen nga klasat shoq\u00ebrore, nivelet kulturore, hap\u00ebsirat gjeografike, etnit\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsit\u00eb e tjera.\u00a0Ndon\u00ebse dallojn\u00eb p\u00ebr nga nevojat dhe d\u00ebshirat, ndon\u00ebse mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb p\u00ebrjetime t\u00eb ndryshme, q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha grat\u00eb, T\u00cb GJITHA, pa p\u00ebrjashtim, jan\u00eb t\u00eb vendosura n\u00ebn PROV\u00cb. Prov\u00ebn e moralit shoq\u00ebror. \u00cbsht\u00eb e ditur q\u00eb ti nuk ke qasje tek morali, nga kjo pozit\u00eb e pafuqis\u00eb. N\u00eb instanc\u00eb t\u00eb fundit, asnj\u00ebra nuk i shp\u00ebtojm\u00eb gjykimit. Vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr faktin se je grua, dyshimi mbetet i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm.\u00a0Ai internalizohet.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb faktor tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrbashkues \u00ebsht\u00eb mungesa e pron\u00ebs. Edhe grat\u00eb q\u00eb e g\u00ebzojn\u00eb pron\u00ebn, kan\u00eb kaluar n\u00ebp\u00ebr nj\u00eb lloj turp\u00ebrimi., Q\u00eb n\u00eb start, mungesa e pron\u00ebs na ka radhitur si t\u00eb pabarabarta. K\u00ebshtu, par\u00ebsia nga burri b\u00ebhet domosdoshm\u00ebri jetike.\u00a0Faji internalizohet.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb femomen tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb prek shumic\u00ebn e grave \u00ebsht\u00eb dhuna. Realiteti ndaj grave \u00ebsht\u00eb i dhunsh\u00ebm. 6 gra vriten \u00e7do or\u00eb nga burrat dhe 1 n\u00eb 3 gra p\u00ebrjetojn\u00eb dhun\u00eb gjat\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre \u2013 n\u00eb nivel global.\u00a0Dhuna ndaj grave sot ka marr\u00eb forma t\u00eb shumta. Ajo ushtrohet nga familja n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, nga shefi n\u00eb pun\u00eb, nga shoq\u00ebria q\u00eb t\u2019i k\u00ebrkon arritjet e t\u2019i kalkulon d\u00ebshtimet, nga puna e papaguar e grave n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi apo edhe nga puna e keqpaguar e 13% t\u00eb atyre q\u00eb sot kan\u00eb fatin t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuara. Dhuna \u00ebsht\u00eb e shtrir\u00eb ngado. Ajo madje \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb funksionimi. \u00cbsht\u00eb kultur\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por dhuna nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebllim n\u00eb vete. Dhuna \u00ebsht\u00eb mjet. Mjet p\u00ebr shfryt\u00ebzim. Pun\u00ebt e sht\u00ebpis\u00eb, kujdesi ndaj f\u00ebmij\u00ebve, prind\u00ebrve e burrave, d\u00ebgjueshm\u00ebria n\u00eb pun\u00eb, n\u00ebn presionin e vazhduesh\u00ebm t\u00eb largimit nga puna n\u00eb raste t\u00eb shtatz\u00ebnis\u00eb, sepse fertiliteti ka matje t\u00eb holla, n\u00eb sistemin patriarkal dhe n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb neoliberale.<\/p>\n

Ky rend nuk mund t\u00eb mbahet n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb pa nj\u00eb teknologji t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb kontrolli q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkon narrativat p\u00ebr trupin, seksin, moralin, nderin, bes\u00ebn. K\u00ebto kategori e kan\u00eb pasur vet\u00ebm dhe vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb rezervuar p\u00ebr grat\u00eb, at\u00eb t\u00eb rolin t\u00eb n\u00ebn\u00ebs. Ky rol ka shum\u00eb detyrime. Duke e gozhduar fatin e saj n\u00eb biologji, \u00ebsht\u00eb krijuar konstrukti i cili ofron modele t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb gruas, e ushqen iluzonin se ka liri t\u00eb zgjedhjes, por q\u00eb nuk i ik\u00eb reduktimit t\u00eb gruas n\u00eb mit\u00ebr, i cili e arsyeton dobishm\u00ebrin\u00eb e saj n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri.<\/p>\n

Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb reduktim i papranuesh\u00ebm. Nuk ka shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb drejt\u00eb e demokratike q\u00eb ka p\u00ebr ideal figur\u00ebn e Rozafatit.<\/p>\n

Ne d\u00ebgjojm\u00eb p\u00ebr vuajtjet e skajshme t\u00eb grave, kur ato vriten ose dhunohen, sepse nuk ekziston p\u00ebrkushtimi e v\u00ebmendja q\u00eb ato t\u2019i d\u00ebgjojm\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre. Aty ka akumulim. Reagimi yn\u00eb p\u00ebr krism\u00ebn q\u00eb e d\u00ebgjojm\u00eb, kur mbetet reagim, m\u00eb tep\u00ebr ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me parehatin\u00eb ton\u00eb ndaj rastit. Duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb kritik\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, sepse nuk ka p\u00ebrparim konsensual. Ecjet progresive nuk jan\u00eb vija t\u00eb drejta, as spirale. Ecjet emancipuese jan\u00eb t\u00eb tilla vet\u00ebm n\u00eb saj\u00eb t\u00eb ballafaqimit. Aty ku thyhen heshtat, lindin edhe kushte t\u00eb reja.<\/p>\n

As t\u00eb drejtat e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve, aq sa jan\u00eb arritur, as e drejta p\u00ebr vot\u00eb, kurdo e kudo q\u00eb jan\u00eb mb\u00ebrritur, nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb si pasoj\u00eb e vet\u00ebdijesimit t\u00eb pushtetit, as zem\u00ebrgjer\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tij, as n\u00eb saj\u00eb t\u00eb politikave kontrolluese dhe balancuese p\u00ebr ta frenuar organizimin dhe shp\u00ebrthimin e pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha arritjet shoq\u00ebrore jan\u00eb prodhuar nga betejat e pandalshme e pjes\u00ebve t\u00eb panum\u00ebruara t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat i kan\u00eb ikur PROV\u00cbS morale si instanc\u00eb mat\u00ebse. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb kur pafuqia gjeneron pushtet. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb momenti i daljes nga kontrolli. Kjo p\u00ebr shembull \u00ebsht\u00eb gruaja e p\u00ebrdal\u00eb, e shthurur moralisht nga norma. Ajo nuk i n\u00ebnshtrohet prov\u00ebs, sepse nuk e ka nevoj\u00ebn t\u00eb d\u00ebshmohet. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb e paparashikueshme. K\u00ebshtu shiheshin grat\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrkoni vot\u00ebn, p\u00ebr koh\u00ebn e tyre.<\/p>\n

Organizimi politik i grave nuk ka alternativ\u00eb. Aq me tep\u00ebr sot kur jetojm\u00eb n\u00ebn trupet\u00ebn e \u201cndryshimit t\u00eb madh\u201d. P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi n\u00eb parlament e institucione nuk guxon t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb privilegj. Kuotat e domosdoshme nuk duhet t\u00eb mbesin p\u00ebr vete, por duhet ta ken\u00eb misionin politik p\u00ebrbrenda.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrderisa qeverit\u00eb e kaluara kan\u00eb qen\u00eb indiferente ndaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve gjinore, kjo e sotmja \u00ebsht\u00eb instrumentale. Ndon\u00ebse ka ardhur n\u00ebn petkun progresist, ajo po forcon modelin tradicional t\u00eb familjes. Si hap t\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb nd\u00ebrmori ishte politika e \u201cpag\u00ebs p\u00ebr riprodhim\u201d me titullin ofendues \u201cQeveria p\u00ebr N\u00ebnat\u201d. Kriter i sot\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitosh si grua nga politikat qeveritare \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb jesh n\u00ebn\u00eb. Nuk ka asgj\u00eb t\u00eb keqe n\u00eb vendimin p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00ebn\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo zgjedhje nuk i takon qeverive, por \u00e7ifteve.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb munduar t\u00eb shitet si pavar\u00ebsim financiar i gruas. Por vet\u00ebm i till\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb. Subvencioni duhet ndar\u00eb p\u00ebr familjen, jo p\u00ebr n\u00ebn\u00ebn. Sikur q\u00eb pushimi pas lindjes s\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebs duhet t\u00eb quhet pushim prind\u00ebror, jo pushim i lehonis\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb thon\u00eb se jan\u00eb kund\u00ebr patriarkalitetit, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr e forcojn\u00eb rolin riprodhues t\u00eb gruas. K\u00ebto lloj politikash na tregojn\u00eb se pushteti aktual \u00ebsht\u00eb patriarkal.<\/p>\n

Familja duhet ta ket\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e bazuar n\u00eb dashuri, pavar\u00ebsisht gjinis\u00eb, rac\u00ebs. Martesat nuk guxojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb mbyllura n\u00eb heteronormativitet. Secila martes\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundshme ligj\u00ebrisht, p\u00ebrderisa vjen nga dashuria. Shtypjet e tilla prodhojn\u00eb dhun\u00eb. N\u00ebse jemi t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar kund\u00ebr dhun\u00ebs, duhet t\u00eb jemi t\u00eb hapur ndaj nocionit t\u00eb familjes.<\/p>\n

Segregimi gjinor, as \u00ebsht\u00eb i mundsh\u00ebm, as i duhuri. Patriarkaliteti i ka privuar burrat nga mir\u00ebqenia emocionale dhe i ka veshur ata me privilegj e faj. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb problemi tek maskuliniteti si i till\u00eb, por tek maskuliniteti n\u00eb sistemin patriarkal t\u00eb vlerave. Zem\u00ebrimin q\u00eb e shkaktojn\u00eb burrat, duhet ta artikulojm\u00eb dhe ta organizojm\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb projekti politik: nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje politike q\u00eb ka n\u00eb qend\u00ebr barazin\u00eb dhe organizohet rreth saj drejt fitores n\u00eb beteja konkrete vendore e rajonale. Sepse, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, betejat jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta.<\/p>\n

Feminizmi si l\u00ebvizje e shum\u00eb faktor\u00ebve nd\u00ebrron si jet\u00ebn e gruas edhe t\u00eb burrit, t\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb t\u00eb moshuarit, t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha komuniteteve t\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurura n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb kompleksitetin e tyre aktual dhe t\u00eb trash\u00ebguar.<\/p>\n

Nuk ka barazi t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme apo nj\u00ebkahshme. Barazia presupozon t\u00eb gjitha pjes\u00ebt. Sa t\u00eb ket\u00eb gra t\u00eb shtypura, do t\u00eb ket\u00eb edhe pun\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrk\u00ebmbur. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj. T\u00eb gjith\u00ebve na shfryt\u00ebzohet potenciali n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb kapitalit. Kjo duhet nd\u00ebrruar.<\/p>\n

L\u00ebvizja feministe, angazhimi politik i grave, duhet ta ket\u00eb n\u00eb thelbin e saj rikthimin e \u00a0koncepteve me t\u00eb cilat ende luftojm\u00eb. Por n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, duhet rivler\u00ebsuar normat q\u00eb na form\u00ebsojn\u00eb nevojat dhe karakterin, na formojn\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe \u00ebndrrat, duhet rivler\u00ebsuar norm\u00ebn q\u00eb sot na jepet si tok\u00eb mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb pa kontestuar, sepse e marrim si t\u00eb mir\u00ebqen\u00eb ose edhe jasht\u00eb fuqis\u00eb e pushtetit ton\u00eb, kolektiv a individual.<\/p>\n

Politika nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ekspertiz\u00eb, e as gjinia profesion. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb dikush i lindur p\u00ebr politik\u00eb e dikush p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb vart\u00ebs. Fjala i takon secil\u00ebs, si n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn publike dhe at\u00eb private. Kur organizohemi politikisht, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb jemi t\u00eb barabart\u00eb.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Bot\u00ebrisht, dhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, nocioni grua nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb unik. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i \u00e7ar\u00eb, i fragmentuar n\u00eb realitete t\u00eb shumta q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebhen nga klasat shoq\u00ebrore, nivelet kulturore, hap\u00ebsirat gjeografike, etnit\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsit\u00eb e tjera.\u00a0Ndon\u00ebse dallojn\u00eb p\u00ebr nga nevojat dhe d\u00ebshirat, ndon\u00ebse mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb p\u00ebrjetime t\u00eb ndryshme, q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha grat\u00eb, T\u00cb GJITHA, pa p\u00ebrjashtim, jan\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":102,"featured_media":8527,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1221,1382],"ppma_author":[120],"class_list":["post-6021","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-grate","tag-organizimi-politik"],"authors":[{"term_id":120,"user_id":102,"is_guest":0,"slug":"teute-rrusta","display_name":"Teut\u00eb Rrusta","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/images-3.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/images-3.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Rrusta","first_name":"Teut\u00eb","description":"Aktiviste politike, ish koordinatore e deg\u00ebve n\u00eb VV dhe Sekretare e p\u00ebrgjithshme n\u00eb PSD."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6021","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/102"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6021"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6021\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8528,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6021\/revisions\/8528"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8527"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6021"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6021"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6021"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6021"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}