{"id":6045,"date":"2021-12-18T10:35:39","date_gmt":"2021-12-18T08:35:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6045"},"modified":"2024-10-17T10:41:25","modified_gmt":"2024-10-17T08:41:25","slug":"presidentja-nuk-fal","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/presidentja-nuk-fal\/","title":{"rendered":"Presidentja nuk fal"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Nuk ka fuqi m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe sesa t\u00eb pasurit e fjal\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit mbi lirin\u00eb e dikujt. Nga lart\u00eb, posht\u00eb. Ekzekutohet vendimi. Pushtet i jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm. Nj\u00eb pushtet i gjith\u00ebpushtetsh\u00ebm i ardhur me kredencialet e shpres\u00ebs, ndryshimit, rilindjes. Nj\u00eb Presidente me prerogativin m\u00eb sublim, at\u00eb t\u00eb faljes, refuzon t\u00eb fal\u00eb. Falja si atribut qen\u00ebsor i t\u00ebr\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb qenies, q\u00eb paq\u00ebsisht i konfrontohet nd\u00ebshkimit, mungon. Refuzon t\u00eb fal\u00eb at\u00eb kategori t\u00eb lidhur ngusht me shpres\u00ebn, ndryshimin e rilindjen. Pushteti i ri kund\u00ebr pluralizmit e brenda logjik\u00ebs \u201ct\u00eb k\u00ebqinjt\u00eb nuk meritojn\u00eb asgj\u00eb, the winner takes it all\u201d. Logjika: liria duhet merituar, ajo nuk i takon secilit.<\/p>\n

I n\u00ebnshkruar 12 vite m\u00eb par\u00eb nga presidenti i at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm Fatmir Sejdiu, Ligji p\u00ebr Faljen i jep pushtet t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm ekzekutiv presidentit p\u00ebr t\u2019i falur personat e d\u00ebnuar p\u00ebr vep\u00ebr penale, duke i liruar ata nga vuajtja e d\u00ebnimit e p\u00ebrcaktuar nga gjykata. President\u00ebt paraprak\u00eb e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur k\u00ebt\u00eb prerogativ. T\u00eb panum\u00ebrta jan\u00eb vendet demokratike ku kjo e drejt\u00eb ekzekutohet. T\u00eb panum\u00ebrta jan\u00eb arsyet pse ky privilegj duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret nga Presidentja. T\u00eb shumta jan\u00eb ngjarjet e eventet kur ajo mund ta p\u00ebrdor\u00eb at\u00eb. Nga viti 2009 jan\u00eb falur 316 persona nga president\u00ebt paraprak\u00eb. E \u00e7uditshme del edhe zem\u00ebrngusht\u00ebsia e Jahjag\u00ebs me vet\u00ebm 21 falje. Rreth 100 lutje p\u00ebr falje k\u00ebt\u00eb vit. Asnj\u00eb aprovim, ende. Lutjet, rrethana t\u00eb r\u00ebnduara sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsore, kategori t\u00eb ndjeshme, e ndonj\u00eb dilem\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr pafaj\u00ebsin\u00eb e t\u00eb burgosurit. Asnj\u00ebra nuk mjafton p\u00ebr Presidenten. Cilat mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb shkaqet p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb? Doktrina e nd\u00ebshkimit nuk e pranon faljen. Popullizmi nuk l\u00eb vend p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrveprim me \u2018devijant\u00ebt\u2019. Pushtetit t\u00eb numrave nuk i b\u00ebn p\u00ebrshtypje bazeni i vog\u00ebl i votave n\u00eb burgje.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb burgu zyrtarisht quhet Sh\u00ebrbim Korrektues, por rrezikon t\u00eb mbetet i till\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb em\u00ebr. Q\u00eb n\u00eb nism\u00eb, shteti i Kosov\u00ebs, si\u00e7 edhe do t\u00eb duhej, merr p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr sh\u00ebrbimin ndaj atyre q\u00eb jan\u00eb shtyr\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb veprime, t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkueshme sipas kontrat\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore. P\u00ebr t\u2019i \u201ckorrektuar\u201d ata. Por si q\u00ebndron kjo sip\u00ebrmarrje shtet\u00ebrore n\u00eb raport me pushtetin e ri dhe mentalitetin ton\u00eb?<\/p>\n

Secili sistem apo rend, sado i specializuar, ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr doktrin\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse, bind\u00ebse. Qasja ndaj drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb raport me t\u00eb burgosurin njeh s\u00eb paku dy drejtime. Nj\u00ebra q\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr p\u00ebr cak ka nd\u00ebshkimin dhe gjykimin p\u00ebrtej procesit gjyq\u00ebsor, dhe si e till\u00eb forcon stigm\u00ebn. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, gjendja e burgjeve n\u00eb SHBA p\u00ebrb\u00ebn shembullin ekstrem. Dhe kemi qasjen e cila e vendos\u00eb theksin tek p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi. Ndon\u00ebse q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja jan\u00eb n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb disiplinimit, kjo e fundit i l\u00eb vend edhe disiplinave tjera si\u00e7 jan\u00eb m\u00ebsimet, trajnimet, puna n\u00eb komunitet, risocializimi, e k\u00ebshtu m\u00eb radh\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb shembull e gjejm\u00eb tek vendet skandinave.<\/p>\n

Filozofia q\u00eb e sfidon mentalitetin nd\u00ebshkues, q\u00eb adreson kompleksitetin e shkaqeve t\u00eb krimit, q\u00eb siguron progres t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb, gjen zbatim edhe tek procesi dhe vendimi p\u00ebr falje. E sheh privilegjin e Presidentes edhe si e drejt\u00eb pozitive e t\u00eb burgosurit p\u00ebr t\u2019u falur. I shpall\u00eb luft\u00eb shkaqeve q\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb dhun\u00eb e pabarazi. Synon transformimin shoq\u00ebror, refuzon status-quon\u00eb. E anulon gjuetin\u00eb e shtrigave.<\/p>\n

Me ardhjen e pushtetit t\u00eb ri, ka marr\u00eb hov nj\u00eb diskurs reaksionar, q\u00eb ka n\u00eb sh\u00ebnjest\u00ebr fajtorin konkret. Mb\u00ebshtetjen e gjen edhe tek ajo pjes\u00eb e tradit\u00ebs e mentalitetit t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb son\u00eb q\u00eb ka predispozita q\u00eb fajin e krimit ta vendos\u00eb tek krimineli, pa u thelluar n\u00eb shkaqet normative, socio-ekonomike e politike. Ngarendja pas fajtorit, k\u00ebrkimi i fajit, zhduk shkaqet e krimit dhe e siguron p\u00ebrs\u00ebritjen, deri n\u00eb perversitet. Kjo e siguron rritjen e numrit t\u00eb t\u00eb burgosurve, ashtu si\u00e7 e kemi par\u00eb dhe do ta shohim, por nuk garanton drejt\u00ebsi p\u00ebr viktimat n\u00eb plan m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ky injorim, apo edhe hezitimi i Presidentes ndaj k\u00ebsaj kategorie shoq\u00ebrore, na m\u00ebson se duhet t\u00eb luftojm\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rimendim fundamental t\u00eb procesit. Sepse, at\u00ebher\u00eb kur falja bie n\u00eb m\u00ebshir\u00ebn e autoritetit suprem t\u00eb privilegjuar t\u00eb Presidentes, ky autoritet ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb ka t\u00eb tjera synime, t\u00eb tjera preokupime. Dhe kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra se si e kemi p\u00ebrfytyruar e nd\u00ebrtuar shtetin.<\/p>\n

Ky injorim total i Presidentes na shtyn t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr mekanizmat shtyp\u00ebs n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb jasht\u00eb burgut, por q\u00eb mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehen me sy t\u00eb lir\u00eb edhe n\u00eb burg. Ekzistimi i burgut nuk duhet t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si heqje qafe i problemeve shoq\u00ebrore. Izolim i s\u00eb keqes. Sepse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb. Burgu nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhja finale q\u00eb shoq\u00ebria ia ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb problemeve komplekse t\u00eb dinamikave t\u00eb pushtetit, t\u00eb relacioneve t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs e konfliktit. Burgu duhet t\u00eb kuptohet si instanc\u00eb e cila shp\u00ebrfaq\u00eb pabarazit\u00eb sociale, si institucion i cili ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr kritik\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdueshme.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, falja nuk duhet t\u00eb shihet si nj\u00eb rregull q\u00eb normalizon. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim q\u00eb na njofton me rendin prej t\u00eb cilit i burgosuri \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrjashtuar dhe i nd\u00ebshkuar. Si i qasemi fajit? P\u00ebrgjigjja nuk guxon asnj\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb religjioze – moralizuese. Ne duhet m\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb jemi t\u00eb preokupuar me shkaqet q\u00eb kurthojn\u00eb dhe vulosin fatin e njer\u00ebzve, e q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga organizimi institucional dhe aparati ideologjik, sesa t\u00eb rropatemi tek faji dhe nd\u00ebshkimi n\u00eb vetvete.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu nuk b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllimin dhe motivet e Presidentes p\u00ebr t\u00eb falur apo mos falur. Veprimi apo mosveprimi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast \u00ebsht\u00eb i mish\u00ebruar n\u00eb q\u00ebllimin e pushtetit t\u00eb ri q\u00eb presupozon pushtet total, injorim t\u00eb tradit\u00ebs dhe performanc\u00eb p\u00ebrmes forc\u00ebs. Qasja totalitare e pushtetit asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb na vij\u00eb si e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb\u00a0a priori<\/em>, por si gradualitet. Sa ka p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr barazi sociale dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb terren n\u00eb list\u00ebn e lutjeve t\u00eb grumbulluara, n\u00eb list\u00ebn e faljeve? Barazi sociale bazuar n\u00eb pozit\u00ebn ekonomike, prejardhjen gjeografike etj. i burgosuri? Nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi n\u00ebse dimensioni dhe rrethanat shoq\u00ebrore anashkalohen. Apo, edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur ndodh\u00eb, n\u00ebse ndodh\u00eb, ajo b\u00ebhet vet\u00ebm n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shabllonike, si rrufe prej qiellit, me shpat\u00ebn e sovranit q\u00eb \u00e7an drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb n\u00eb mes, duke u bazuar n\u00eb vite, faqe exceli q\u00eb kalkulojn\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebna sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore e ku vitet e d\u00ebnimit jan\u00eb kryesore. Ajo \u00e7ka dihet q\u00eb tash \u00ebsht\u00eb se ky proces shquhet nga mungesa e ndjeshm\u00ebris\u00eb q\u00eb buron nga ideologjia sunduese e nd\u00ebshkimit dhe intimidimit si metod\u00eb kontrolli e disiplinimi. Si metod\u00eb n\u00ebnshtrimi.<\/p>\n

Edhe n\u00ebse e reduktojm\u00eb gjykimin ton\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin meta-etik \u2013 tek dualiteti i s\u00eb mir\u00ebs dhe s\u00eb keq\u00ebs, q\u00eb bota udh\u00ebhiqet nga dy lloj principesh, dy fuqi rivale, e keqja dhe e mira \u2013 k\u00ebto fuqi nuk personifikohen. Ato mbesin forca. E n\u00ebse edhe personifikohen diku, at\u00ebher\u00eb ai do t\u00eb ishte pushteti. Kur pushteti nuk fal.<\/p>\n

Na duhet nj\u00eb d\u00ebshmi, nj\u00eb veprim ku Presidentja tregon se nuk p\u00ebrqafon konceptin e nd\u00ebshkimit si proces dh\u00ebmb-p\u00ebr-dh\u00ebmb, porse preokupohet p\u00ebr barazi gjinore; apo se i kund\u00ebrshton vendimet raciste t\u00eb gjykatave ndaj komuniteteve rom, ashkali e egjiptian; apo se \u00ebsht\u00eb e vetdijshme q\u00eb skamja p\u00ebrpara lakmis\u00eb \u00e7on n\u00eb vjedhjen e druve; se rastet me s\u00ebmundje kronike duhet t\u00eb trajtohen me humanitet; se Presidentja tregon q\u00eb e kupton se pandemia Covid-19 ka sjell\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb reja n\u00eb \u00e7do sfer\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00ebs duke r\u00ebnduar edhe gjendjen e t\u00eb burgosurve; q\u00eb vet\u00ebvrasjet e shtuara n\u00eb burg k\u00ebkojn\u00eb intervenim. Jo m\u00ebshirim. E ma e keqja \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb Presidentja as m\u00ebshir\u00ebn nuk e ka!<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Nuk ka fuqi m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe sesa t\u00eb pasurit e fjal\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit mbi lirin\u00eb e dikujt. Nga lart\u00eb, posht\u00eb. Ekzekutohet vendimi. Pushtet i jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm. Nj\u00eb pushtet i gjith\u00ebpushtetsh\u00ebm i ardhur me kredencialet e shpres\u00ebs, ndryshimit, rilindjes. Nj\u00eb Presidente me prerogativin m\u00eb sublim, at\u00eb t\u00eb faljes, refuzon t\u00eb fal\u00eb. Falja si atribut qen\u00ebsor i t\u00ebr\u00ebsis\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":102,"featured_media":8466,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1356,1355],"ppma_author":[120,1354],"class_list":["post-6045","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-presidentja","tag-pushteti"],"authors":[{"term_id":120,"user_id":102,"is_guest":0,"slug":"teute-rrusta","display_name":"Teut\u00eb Rrusta","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/images-3.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/images-3.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Rrusta","first_name":"Teut\u00eb","description":"Aktiviste politike, ish koordinatore e deg\u00ebve n\u00eb VV dhe Sekretare e p\u00ebrgjithshme n\u00eb PSD."},{"term_id":1354,"user_id":256,"is_guest":0,"slug":"donjeta-demolli","display_name":"Donjeta Demolli","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/2195e1107d1db34b6d26ff22e1de6aef7eadd2169b71c6ecd6e5a86d1c826a4b?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Demolli","first_name":"Donjeta","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6045","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/102"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6045"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6045\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8467,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6045\/revisions\/8467"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8466"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6045"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6045"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6045"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6045"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}