{"id":6049,"date":"2021-12-16T12:53:34","date_gmt":"2021-12-16T10:53:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6049"},"modified":"2024-10-17T12:57:23","modified_gmt":"2024-10-17T10:57:23","slug":"ndermjet-filozofise-ironise-dhe-demokracise-i","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/kritike\/ndermjet-filozofise-ironise-dhe-demokracise-i\/","title":{"rendered":"Nd\u00ebrmjet filozofis\u00eb, ironis\u00eb dhe demokracis\u00eb (I)"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Sa her\u00eb q\u00eb diskutojm\u00eb mbi ngecjet, stagnimet dhe bllokadat\u00a0e\u00a0koh\u00ebpaskohshme t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, kemi prirjen q\u00eb shkaqet e d\u00ebshtimeve t\u00eb tilla t\u2019i k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb n\u00eb naricizimin e lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb, motivet e tyre egokratike, paranojat dhe vullnetin e tyre ngulmues vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr pushtet, duke e shp\u00ebrfillur \u00e7do standard dhe kriter tjet\u00ebr politik, etik dhe ligjor. Si rrjedhoj\u00eb e shtytjeve t\u00eb tilla psiko-politike m\u00eb pastaj shfaqen klientelizimi, korrupsioni, patronazhi, familjarizimi, tribalizimi, si dhe mbrojtja e interesave privat\u00eb mbi ata publik\u00eb, modele k\u00ebto q\u00eb pashmangsh\u00ebm rezultojn\u00eb n\u00eb degjenerim t\u00eb sistemit demokratik. Po ashtu, k\u00ebsaj liste mund t\u2019i shtohen edhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime t\u00eb natyrave tjera, si aft\u00ebsia e l\u00ebvizjeve populiste p\u00ebr t\u2019i mobilizuar masat sociale kund\u00ebr parimeve t\u00eb k\u00ebtij rendi, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht karakterit t\u00eb tij inherent pluralist, si dhe afirmimi ideologjive t\u00eb ndryshme autokratike.\u00a0E t\u00eb mos flasim k\u00ebtu p\u00ebr shterp\u00ebzimet q\u00eb krijojn\u00eb demagogjia, retorika e zbraz\u00ebt dhe tensionet konstante.<\/p>\n

Faktin se nd\u00ebrtimi dhe mir\u00ebmbajtja e demokracis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje delikate e ka konstatuar q\u00eb n\u00eb shekullin XVI teoricieni i spikatur\u00a0Baron de Montesquieu, n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb njohur \u201cThe Spirit of\u00a0\u00a0Laws\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vep\u00ebr emblematike, ky filozof unik i mendimit politik modern konstaton se nj\u00eb nga parimet inherente t\u00eb nj\u00eb rendi republikan padyshim se mbetet \u201cdashuria p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb, kurse dashuria p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb dashuri p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb\u201d. \u00cbsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi q\u00eb ky pasion t\u00eb ket\u00eb karakter kolektiv dhe t\u00eb jet\u00eb i gjith\u00ebpranish\u00ebm, q\u00eb nga \u201cqytetari m\u00eb i thjesht\u00eb e deri te zyrtari m\u00eb i lart\u00eb i shtetit\u201d. Vet\u00ebm nga afirmimi i k\u00ebtij sentimenti t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt mund t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb nj\u00eb rend demokratik republikan. \u00c7do shkarje nga ky kusht bazik mund t\u2019i hap\u00eb rrug\u00eb triumfit t\u00eb antitetezave t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Zhvleft\u00ebsimi filozofik i demokracis\u00eb\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb,\u00a0\u00a0edhe p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj teze mbi kushtet e funksionimit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs kjo e fundit nuk mund t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb pa e kultivuar sensin e virtytit publik,\u00a0\u00a0megjithat\u00eb pandehmat e filozofis\u00eb politike antike e mbronin t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn e k\u00ebtij mendimi. Sipas tyre, pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb demokraci nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00ebsohet ideali i virtytit.\u00a0\u00a0P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrmjet filozofis\u00eb dhe demokracis\u00eb i karakterizon nj\u00eb raport mosbesimi dhe tensioni konstant. Ky regjim politik u kualifikua n\u00eb mesin e atyre sistemeve q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt p\u00ebr mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e mbret\u00ebrimit t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

D\u00ebnimi me vdekje i Sokratit nga demokracia e Athin\u00ebs u p\u00ebrdor si argument n\u00eb favor t\u00eb k\u00ebtij vler\u00ebsimi. Konstatimi i Platonit n\u00eb form\u00ebn e pyetjes, pas k\u00ebsaj vdekjeje tragjike, se si mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i drejt\u00eb nj\u00eb regjim q\u00eb e d\u00ebnon me vdekje njeriun m\u00eb t\u00eb ditur t\u00eb tij, u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb fusnot\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i ushqyer dyshimet e filozofis\u00eb politike kund\u00ebr demokracis\u00eb p\u00ebr mij\u00ebra vjet.<\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, vepra \u201cShteti\u201d e Platonit dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht \u201clibri i tet\u00eb\u201d i k\u00ebsaj vepre monumentale n\u00eb panteonin e mendimit filozofik mund t\u00eb merret si shembull paradigmatik i sulmeve teorike kund\u00ebr t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb nga mendimi antik. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, sipas Leo Strauss-it, akuza m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb kund\u00ebr k\u00ebtij sistemi q\u00eb ishte shkruar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb gjendet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb traktat politik. N\u00eb punimin e tij \u201cWhat is Political Philosphy\u201d,\u00a0\u00a0ky mendimtar ka treguar se m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa d\u00ebnimi me vdekje i Sokratit, (n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit Sokrati ishte d\u00ebnuar me vdekje n\u00eb mosh\u00ebn 70-vje\u00e7are, q\u00eb i bie se ai kishte mundur t\u00eb jetonte dhe filozofonte deri n\u00eb at\u00eb mosh\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb at\u00eb regjim), ky mospajtim i mendimtar\u00ebve klasik\u00eb me demokracin\u00eb kusht\u00ebzohej nga supozimet e tyre mbi q\u00ebllimet finale t\u00eb jet\u00ebs politike dhe sociale.<\/p>\n

Sipas k\u00ebtij teoricieni t\u00eb pasionuar pas gjetjeve t\u00eb filozofimeve antike, doktrina klasike e refuzonte k\u00ebt\u00eb regjim politik, sepse p\u00ebr themeluesit e mendimit politik t\u00eb asaj periudhe \u201cq\u00ebllimi i jet\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa liria, ishte virtyti\u201d. Madje p\u00ebr ta \u201cliria\u00a0\u00a0kishte karakter ambivalent, ngase nga lul\u00ebzimi i saj mund t\u00eb hov\u00ebzonte si e liga, ashtu edhe e mira\u201d. Shthurja e k\u00ebtyre kritereve e krijon shtratin p\u00ebr shp\u00ebrthimin e patologjive t\u00eb tjera sociale dhe politike. Dhe, m\u00eb kryesorja, e pamund\u00ebson nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb rendi t\u00eb drejt\u00eb politik.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e lartsh\u00ebnuar \u201cShteti\u201d, Platoni e ka artikuluar mbase zhvleft\u00ebsimin m\u00eb madh t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm filozofik kund\u00ebr demokracis\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem, sipas k\u00ebtij filozofi, \u201cdo t\u00eb jet\u00eb e lejueshme gjith\u00e7ka dhe gjithkund do t\u00eb mbret\u00ebroj\u00eb liria dhe mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb gjithkush t\u00eb punoj\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7ka t\u00eb doj\u00eb\u201d. K\u00ebt\u00eb rregullim shtet\u00ebror Platoni metaforikisht e krahashon me atmosfer\u00ebn q\u00eb dominon n\u00eb treg. Nd\u00ebrkaq atje \u201cku \u00e7do gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e lejueshme \u00ebsht\u00eb e natyrshme se gjithkush e rregullon jet\u00ebn e vet si i p\u00eblqen m\u00eb shum\u00eb\u201d. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, karakterit t\u00eb njeriut demokratik, ashtu sikurse atij t\u00eb regjimeve t\u00eb tjera, si oligarkik dhe tiranik, i mungon virtyti. Madje, sipas Platonit, nga demokracia lind tirania. N\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb shpirtit demokratik relativizohet dallimi nd\u00ebrmjet d\u00ebshirave q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga \u201cinstinktet e ul\u00ebta dhe t\u00eb mira, si dhe t\u00eb bukura\u201d. Karakteri demokratik e refuzon k\u00ebt\u00eb diferencim dhe \u201cpohon se t\u00eb gjitha instinktet jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta dhe duhet t\u00eb \u00e7mohen nj\u00ebsoj\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb klim\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7rregullimit total dhe dehjes ekstreme me lirin\u00eb pushteti mund t\u00eb uzurpohet nga nj\u00eb sundimtar tiranik, sepse \u201cliria e tepruar, si duket, nuk kalon n\u00eb asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos n\u00eb skllav\u00ebri t\u00eb tepruar edhe p\u00ebr individin, edhe p\u00ebr shtetin\u201d. K\u00ebtu duhet ta kemi t\u00eb qart\u00eb se te grek\u00ebt mungonte vizioni modern i demokracis\u00eb liberale dhe kushtetuese. Prandaj, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, filozof\u00ebt antik\u00eb e konsideronin virtytin si vler\u00eb supreme teorike dhe politike.<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo, problemi ishte se p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsimi i virtytit duhej t\u00eb kalonte n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb procesi rigoroz t\u00eb edukimit dhe formimit t\u00eb karakterit, etj., etj.\u201d Plot\u00ebsimi i k\u00ebtyre kritereve s\u2019mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej pa promovimin e arsimimit universal. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, sipas Strauss-it, p\u00ebr grek\u00ebt, ky arsimim nuk mund t\u00eb arrihej pa e pasur n\u00eb dispozicion koh\u00ebn e lir\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. Q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhej kjo duhej t\u00eb ndryshonte kuadri i jet\u00ebs ekonomike n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ata vepronin. Mir\u00ebpo, inaugurimi i k\u00ebtij ndryshimi k\u00ebrkonte nj\u00eb emancipim radikal t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb nga kontrolli moral dhe politik. \u00c7lirim, q\u00eb grek\u00ebt e konsideruan t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm. Madje, parashikimi profetik i k\u00ebtyre mendimtar\u00ebve se \u201cemancipimi i teknologjis\u00eb dhe arteve nga kontrolli moral dhe politik mund t\u00eb shpjer\u00eb n\u00eb katastrofa ose n\u00eb dehumanizimin e njeriut, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb falsifikuar ende\u201d. Duke qen\u00eb se nuk ekzistonte nj\u00eb zgjidhje e pranueshme filozofike p\u00ebr k\u00ebto dilema, at\u00ebher\u00eb shp\u00ebtimi p\u00ebr mendimin politik klasik grek mund t\u00eb gjendej te krijimi i atij rendi ku duhej t\u00eb imponohej dominimi dhe sundimi i asaj pjese q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e natyrshme mbi at\u00eb pjes\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr nga natyra duhet t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtrohet dhe subordinohet. Ky vizion hierarkik natyror e formonte edhe vizonin antik p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. Prandaj, shtetin duhej ta drejtonin vet\u00ebm ata q\u00eb kishin pasur koh\u00eb ta p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsonin si duhet vler\u00ebn e virtytit.<\/p>\n

Detyrimin drejt k\u00ebtij synimi fisnik t\u00eb jet\u00ebs politike n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb paradigmatike e ka pasqyruar biseda e Sokratit me Alkibiadin,\u00a0\u00a0nj\u00eb i ri ky i rretheve aristokratike t\u00eb koh\u00ebs me ambicie politike. Ky dialog ndodhet edhe n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e Michel Foucault \u201cThe Hermeneutics of the Subject\u201d. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, filozofi plak e instrukton t\u00eb riun athinas se nuk mund t\u00eb merret seriozisht me \u00e7\u00ebshtjet politike pa e kultivuar paraprakisht \u201dnjohjen e vetvetes\u201d dhe \u201cbreng\u00ebn p\u00ebr veten\u201d.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, kjo thirrje filozofike p\u00ebr ta \u201cnjohur veten\u201d kishte edhe implikime politike. Sepse, si\u00e7 thot\u00eb Foucalt, nxitja p\u00ebr ta \u201cnjohur veten dhe p\u00ebrkujdesja po ashtu p\u00ebr veten, q\u00eb grek\u00ebt e quanin \u2018epimeleia hauton\u2019 dhe latin\u00ebt \u201ccura sui\u201d, parimisht u drejtohet atyre q\u00eb d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb t\u2019i qeverisin t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, se si t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb shtetar\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb\u201d.\u00a0Ky shqet\u00ebsim p\u00ebr veten po ashtu ishte privilegj vet\u00ebm i atyre q\u00eb \u201ckishin koh\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb, mund\u00ebsi dhe nivel t\u00eb zhvillimit kulturor\u201d. Ishte detyrim p\u00ebr ta zbatuar sa m\u00eb mir\u00eb at\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin ishin t\u00eb destinuar, sundimin e tjer\u00ebve. Dhe ky kusht nuk mund t\u00eb plot\u00ebsohej pa e zot\u00ebruar aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr ta komanduar veten.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, ky raport gnoseologjik ofronte t\u00eb vetmin rrug\u00ebtim mendor p\u00ebr t\u2019i p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar standardet e p\u00ebrhershme t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs dhe drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Sepse k\u00ebtu nuk duhet harruar faktin se sipas shkoll\u00ebs sokratike t\u00eb transmetuar n\u00eb tradit\u00ebn e filozofis\u00eb per\u00ebndimore nga Platoni, idet\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetshme, absolute dhe universale. Ato nuk jan\u00eb krijuar nga askush. Neve s\u2019na mbetet gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos t\u2019i njohim format e pastra t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb cilat qen\u00ebsojn\u00eb n\u00eb \u201ckalt\u00ebrsin\u00eb e past\u00ebr t\u00eb qiellit\u201d dhe ta ndri\u00e7ojm\u00eb shpirtin njer\u00ebzor me xanxat e tyre rr\u00ebz\u00eblluese. Pra, k\u00ebtu nuk b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr zbulim t\u00eb \u201cideve novatore\u201d, por vet\u00ebm njohje t\u00eb tyre n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet vet\u00ebnjohjes.<\/p>\n

Prandaj te Platoni doktrina e njohjes e ka karakterin e rikujtes\u00ebs. E ky koncentrim dhe thellim n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrje kognitive na b\u00ebn t\u00eb mundur q\u00eb ne t\u2019i zbulojm\u00eb ato brenda vetes son\u00eb. Ta p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsojm\u00eb karakterin e tyre universal. Dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ta nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb nj\u00eb rend politik t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, racional dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin do t\u00eb mbret\u00ebronte filozofia, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebtij funksioni t\u00eb shum\u00ebfisht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo edhe \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja q\u00eb kjo disiplin\u00eb nuk kishte karakter \u201cprivat\u201d, por nj\u00eb rol t\u00eb past\u00ebr \u201cpublik\u201d. Detyr\u00eb e saj ishte t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbente si guid\u00eb teorike p\u00ebr ta justifikuar jet\u00ebn e mir\u00eb n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn politike. \u00c7do regjim q\u00eb nuk e kalonte k\u00ebt\u00eb test s\u2019mund t\u00eb quhej i drejt\u00eb. T\u00eb tilla ishin oligarkia, tirania dhe demokracia. E para p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb lakmis\u00eb dhe bab\u00ebzis\u00eb s\u00eb pushtetar\u00ebve vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr luks, pasuri dhe shk\u00eblqim t\u00eb rrejsh\u00ebm, e dyta p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb sundimit absolut dhe t\u00eb pakufizuar t\u00eb Nj\u00ebshit dhe treta p\u00ebr shkak se, si\u00e7 thoshte Aristoteli, krijon kushte q\u00eb t\u00eb \u201csundoj\u00eb shumica e paarsimuar\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, ky regjim u jep shansin atyre q\u00eb s\u2019jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur sa duhet p\u00ebr detyra politike q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhen pjes\u00eb e vendimmarrjes.<\/p>\n

Kjo betej\u00eb teorike titanike kund\u00ebr pasuris\u00eb s\u00eb sundimtareve, abuzimit ekstrem t\u00eb pushtetit nga nj\u00eb individ, si dhe mediokritetit t\u00eb masave, i ka ushqyer shum\u00eb prej utopive iluministe n\u00eb tradit\u00ebn e mendimit politik per\u00ebndimor. N\u00eb themel t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj \u00ebndrre \u201cpolitiko-romantike\u201d q\u00ebndronte ideja fillestare platonike e \u2018filozofo-kracis\u00eb\u2019.<\/p>\n

Por, si arriti q\u00eb demokracia t\u2019i shfron\u00ebsoj\u00eb dhe desublimoj\u00eb k\u00ebto pretendime t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb? Dhe po ashtu pse ajo u tregua m\u00eb efikase n\u00eb garantimin e koekzistenc\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore pa imponime represive, si dhe pa e projektuar mbijetes\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb parime fondatore teorike dhe absolute? Mbase nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjes p\u00ebr disa prej k\u00ebtyre pandehmave mund ta k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb n\u00eb konstatimet e shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb neo-pragmatizmit amerikan.<\/p>\n

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Sa her\u00eb q\u00eb diskutojm\u00eb mbi ngecjet, stagnimet dhe bllokadat\u00a0e\u00a0koh\u00ebpaskohshme t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, kemi prirjen q\u00eb shkaqet e d\u00ebshtimeve t\u00eb tilla t\u2019i k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb n\u00eb naricizimin e lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb, motivet e tyre egokratike, paranojat dhe vullnetin e tyre ngulmues vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr pushtet, duke e shp\u00ebrfillur \u00e7do standard dhe kriter tjet\u00ebr politik, etik dhe ligjor. Si rrjedhoj\u00eb e shtytjeve […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":377,"featured_media":8516,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[1308,954],"ppma_author":[371],"class_list":["post-6049","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kritike","tag-demokraci","tag-filozofi"],"authors":[{"term_id":371,"user_id":377,"is_guest":0,"slug":"afrim-kasolli","display_name":"Afrim Kasolli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Kasolli","first_name":"Afrim","description":"Afrim Kasolli ka studiuar Filozofi-Sociologji. Nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka ligj\u00ebruar l\u00ebnd\u00ebn \u201cHyrje n\u00eb Shkencat Politike n\u00eb Kolegjin Victory\u201d. Ka qen\u00eb deputet i Kuvendit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Merret me shkrime dhe ese filozofike. Sfer\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb tij \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofia politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6049","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/377"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6049"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6049\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8517,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6049\/revisions\/8517"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8516"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6049"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6049"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6049"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6049"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}