{"id":6066,"date":"2021-12-09T15:31:45","date_gmt":"2021-12-09T13:31:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6066"},"modified":"2024-10-17T13:38:54","modified_gmt":"2024-10-17T11:38:54","slug":"cfare-ndihme-pritet-prej-shba-se-per-demokratizimin-e-kosoves","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/cfare-ndihme-pritet-prej-shba-se-per-demokratizimin-e-kosoves\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7far\u00eb ndihme pritet prej SHBA-s\u00eb p\u00ebr demokratizimin e Kosov\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p><em>Ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb botuar nga instituti German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMFUS) si pjes\u00eb e\u00a0<\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.gmfus.org\/news\/what-next-us-democracy-support-central-and-eastern-europe?fbclid=IwAR3Yl5K70hBgu1ljo3JSuObBx7gcT8II4QGPrYu1Q6E6ViCaggAAQxaWUMY\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><em>nj\u00eb punimi<\/em><\/a><em>\u00a0m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb mbi pritjet e shteteve t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Qendrore dhe Lindore prej Samitit p\u00ebr Demokracin\u00eb t\u00eb organizuar nga SHBA. Ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb botuar si kapitull i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. Pyetja standarde drejtuar ekspert\u00ebve ishte: cilat duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb prioritetet afatshkurt\u00ebra dhe afatmesme t\u00eb SHBA n\u00eb nivelin politik dhe n\u00eb nivelin e ndihm\u00ebs zhvillimore?<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>Rreth p\u00ebrkrahjes afatshkurt\u00ebr t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Perspektiva demokratike e Kosov\u00ebs varet shum\u00eb nga zhvillimet m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebra n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor dhe nga politikat e SHBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin rajonal. Rajoni gjendet n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthese t\u00eb rrezikshme dhe p\u00ebrballet me rreziqe serioze t\u00eb cilat mund t\u2019i d\u00ebmtojn\u00eb arritjet e dy dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb nxitjen e paqes, demokracis\u00eb dhe zhvillimit. Ngecja e procesit t\u00eb zgjerimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb e ka m\u00ebnjanuar nj\u00eb shtys\u00eb ky\u00e7e p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e mosmarrveshjes mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, problem ky i cili e dob\u00ebson demokracin\u00eb dhe ushqen autoritarizmin n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja vendet duke i mbajtur shqet\u00ebsimet e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb agjend\u00ebs. Moszgjidhja e k\u00ebtij problemi gjithashtu e ka dob\u00ebsuar efektshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb kusht\u00ebzimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb \u2013 nxit\u00ebsit kryesor t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm p\u00ebr reformat demokratike \u2013 dhe ka zhg\u00ebnjyer forcat pro demokratike n\u00eb rajon. Duke qen\u00eb se Kosova (bashk\u00eb me Bosnjen e Hercegovin\u00ebn) nuk jan\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb NATO-s, kjo gjithashtu e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb rajonin t\u00eb c\u00ebnuesh\u00ebm ndaj p\u00ebrpjekjeve destabilizuese t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshi k\u00ebtu veriun e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj, duke i marr\u00eb parasysh implikimet e k\u00ebsaj rrethane p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb europiane, SHBA-ja duhet q\u00eb n\u00eb planin afatgjat\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e saj vendimtare q\u00eb t\u00eb ngris\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb agjend\u00ebs transatlantike edhe \u00ebshtjen e rrug\u00ebtimit t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr n\u00eb BE dhe NATO. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, SHBA m\u00eb konkretisht mund t\u00eb angazhohen drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb me shtetet an\u00ebtare n\u00eb BE q\u00eb jan\u00eb skeptike ndaj zgjerimit p\u00ebr ta zhbllokuar rrug\u00ebn integruese t\u00eb rajonit. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb pik\u00eb s\u00eb pari arritjen e nj\u00eb vendimin pozitiv p\u00ebr liberalizimin e shum\u00ebvonuar t\u00eb vizave p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn dhe nisjen e negociatave p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut.<\/p>\n<p>Shtetet e Bashkuara mund t\u00eb luajn\u00eb nj\u00eb rol udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs n\u00eb ringjalljen, ose n\u00eb riformatimin potencial t\u00eb dialogut t\u00eb ngecur Kosov\u00eb-Serbi me q\u00ebllimin q\u00eb t\u00eb sigurohet njohja e nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb. M\u00eb n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, SHBA-ja mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet e Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb njohjen nga kat\u00ebr shtete an\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s (Greqia, Spanja, Sllovakia dhe Rumania) dhe nj\u00eb shtet an\u00ebtar i BE-s\u00eb (Qiproja). Kjo do t\u00eb ishte kthes\u00eb vendimtare e cila do t\u2019i siguronte vendit pozit\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb n\u00eb rajon dhe do t\u00eb hapte rrug\u00ebn e saj euroatlantike. P\u00ebr fund, p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrshpejtuar hyrjen e rajonit n\u00eb BE dhe NATO, SHBA-ja mund t\u00eb punoj\u00eb s\u00eb bashku me BE-n\u00eb p\u00ebr ta definuar korniz\u00ebn e qart\u00eb t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit rajonal, duke i plot\u00ebsuar apo shkrir\u00eb nismat si Tregu i P\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt Rajonal dhe Open Balkan.<\/p>\n<p>Ndihma e SHBA-s\u00eb ka luajtur rol ky\u00e7 n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e korniz\u00ebs institucionale demokratike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb zhvillimin e pluralizmit n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn mediale dhe t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile. Kjo ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundur q\u00eb t\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb mekanizmat e llogaridh\u00ebnies demokratike dhe t\u00eb tejkalohen elementet e kapjes s\u00eb shtetit. P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit, Kosova ka dal\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb se sa vendet e rajonit p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket shum\u00eb treguesve demokratik\u00eb, p\u00ebrshi k\u00ebtu zgjedhjet e ndershme dhe t\u00eb lira, t\u00eb cilan kan\u00eb sjell\u00eb disa tranzicione t\u00eb qeta t\u00eb pushtetit. Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, p\u00ebrvoja e vendeve t\u00eb tjera tregon se p\u00ebrparimi i till\u00eb mund t\u00eb kthehet mbrapsht shum\u00eb leht\u00eb n\u00eb kontekste ku institucionet jan\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebta dhe t\u00eb c\u00ebnueshme ndaj kapjes nga interesa t\u00eb ngushta.<\/p>\n<p>Elita e re qeveritare, e cila erdhi n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb shkurt 2021 me nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrq\u00ebndruar n\u00eb sundimin e ligjit dhe luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr korrupsionit, ka shumic\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb dhe mandat p\u00ebr reforma. Ndihma e SHBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr reforma n\u00eb k\u00ebto fusha do t\u00eb jet\u00eb kritike p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar suksesin e k\u00ebsaj agjende dhe konsolidimin e besimit t\u00eb publikut n\u00eb demokraci. Sidoqoft\u00eb, ka rreziqe gjithashtu t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura me reformat t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00eb kontroll politik t\u00eb ri mbi institucionet. Disa vendime t\u00eb lidershipit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u2013 si p\u00ebr shembull shkarkimi i kryesueses s\u00eb Komisionit Q\u00ebndror t\u00eb Zgjedhjeve, q\u00eb u kritikua nga shum\u00eb organizata t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile \u2013 dukej se ishte i motivuar politikisht dhe ngriti shqet\u00ebsime p\u00ebr abuzimin e mundsh\u00ebm t\u00eb reformave.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, SHBA-ja duhet q\u00eb n\u00eb planin afatshkurt\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrqendroj\u00eb ndihm\u00ebn dhe resurset ndaj Kosov\u00ebs drejt q\u00ebllimit t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes s\u00eb agjend\u00ebs s\u00eb qeveris\u00eb n\u00eb luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr korrupsionit dhe krimit t\u00eb organizuar, dhe paralelisht mbrojtjes s\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs politike dhe institucioneve t\u00eb pavarura prej ngritjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb forme t\u00eb re t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs. N\u00eb terma praktik\u00eb, kjo n\u00ebnkupton t\u00eb siguruarit q\u00eb programet ekzistuese t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahjes s\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohen n\u00eb transparenc\u00eb dhe meritokraci n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet e shpallura t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb p\u00ebr reforma, si p.sh. vetingu i gjyq\u00ebsorit, i cili nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahur nga BE-ja. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb gjithashtu edhe rritje t\u00eb financimit p\u00ebr mediat e pavarura dhe organizatat e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile p\u00ebr t\u2019i fuqizuar k\u00ebrkesat p\u00ebr llogaridh\u00ebnie ndaj qeveris\u00eb. N\u00eb fund fare, kjo n\u00ebnkupton zgjerimin e p\u00ebrkrahjes p\u00ebr zhvillimin e kapaciteteve (p.sh. p\u00ebrmes NDI dhe IRI) t\u00eb partive politike opozitare dhe udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsive t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb reja n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr reforma t\u00eb brendshme. P\u00ebrvoja n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor ka treguar se pluralizmi nuk mund t\u00eb mir\u00ebmbahet pa opozita t\u00eb besueshme.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Rreth p\u00ebrkrahjes afatmesme t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Ringjallja eventuale e rrug\u00ebtimit Euro-Atlantik p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor dhe p\u00ebrkrahja e SHBA-s\u00eb p\u00ebr mekanizmat e bashk\u00ebpunimit rajonal duhet t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrohet me rikthimin e kredibilitetit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb kusht\u00ebzimit, e cila duhet t\u00eb nxis\u00eb respektimin e normave demokratike. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi e BE-s\u00eb, por SHBA-ja gjithashtu mund t\u00eb luaj\u00eb rol ky\u00e7 si lider i siguris\u00eb me fuqi imponuese dhe interesa n\u00eb rajon. P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit, shtysat p\u00ebr reforma demokratike jan\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb prioritizimit t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb n\u00eb rajon dhe qasjes akomoduese ndaj lider\u00ebve autoritar\u00eb n\u00eb rajon. Ky pozicionim realist ka pasur pasoja t\u00eb r\u00ebnda p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb rajon sepse ka \u00e7oroditur incentivat dhe e ka shp\u00ebrblyer siguritizimin e agjend\u00ebs politike.<\/p>\n<p>Duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb t\u00eb fortit q\u00eb ngulfat institucionet dhe sundimin e ligjit, kjo qasje ka qen\u00eb gjithashtu p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse p\u00ebr kthimin e vendeve t\u00eb Ballkanit P\u00ebr\u00ebndimor n\u00eb vende kandidate jo t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE, duke d\u00ebshtuar nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht q\u00eb t\u2019i zgjidhin problemet e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb rajon. Si e till\u00eb, kjo ka qen\u00eb strategji vet\u00ebshkat\u00ebrruese n\u00eb arritjen e q\u00ebllimit rajonal t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb. Prandaj, rrug\u00ebtimi euroatlantik i Kosov\u00ebs dhe Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor dhe partneriteti me SHBA-n\u00eb duhet q\u00eb n\u00eb vitet e ardhshme t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhet dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizohet nga nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtim m\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm ndaj vlerave demokratike. M\u00eb n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, SHBA-ja duhet t\u2019i mbaj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit rajonal\u00eb dhe t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzoj\u00eb strategjin\u00eb e partneritetit dhe ndihm\u00ebs me kushte strikte p\u00ebr sundimin e ligjit dhe lirin\u00eb e mediave, e jo vet\u00ebm bashk\u00ebrendimin n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Dy tipare ve\u00e7uese demografike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs jan\u00eb rinia (shteti me popullat\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb re n\u00eb Europ\u00eb) dhe \u00e7ekuilibri i fort\u00eb gjinor (p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr p\u00ebrparimit t\u00eb konsideruesh\u00ebm gjat\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvjecarit t\u00eb fundit). T\u00eb rinjt\u00eb dhe grat\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb gjithashtu agjent\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm t\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebs demokratike, duke u prir\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave p\u00ebr llogaridh\u00ebnie ndaj korrupsionit qeveritar, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb zgjedhjet e fundit. Rritja e besimit publik n\u00eb institucionet demokratike p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit nd\u00ebrlidhet me faktin se nj\u00eb num\u00ebr m\u00eb i madh i t\u00eb rinjve dhe grave votuan p\u00ebr ndryshim dhe kan\u00eb marr\u00eb pozita t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, sfidat p\u00ebr grat\u00eb dhe t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb mbesin t\u00eb r\u00ebnda n\u00eb planin afatgjat\u00eb, meq\u00eb tregu i pun\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb p\u00ebrthith\u00eb kaq shum\u00eb t\u00eb rinj, nd\u00ebrsa grat\u00eb p\u00ebrballen me pengesat e normave t\u00eb fuqishme patriarkale. Ky kontekst krijon tok\u00eb t\u00eb plleshme p\u00ebr zhg\u00ebnjim n\u00eb demokraci, vazhdim t\u00eb shkall\u00ebs s\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb emigrimit, apo kthim n\u00eb modelet e m\u00ebhershme t\u00eb radikalizimit. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, ndihma e SHBA-s\u00eb duhet q\u00eb n\u00eb planin afatmes\u00ebm t\u00eb prioritizoj\u00eb projektet dhe nismat q\u00eb fokusohen n\u00eb fuqizimin e t\u00eb rinjve dhe grave si faktor\u00eb ky\u00e7 t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebris\u00eb demokratike.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Pritjet prej Samitit p\u00ebr Demokracis\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>S\u00eb pari, procesi duhet t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb zotime q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme apo t\u00eb paqarta, por leht\u00eb t\u00eb matshme, madje edhe n\u00eb terma kualitativ\u00eb; t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb zotime rajonale -dhe\/ose t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta p\u00ebr secilin shtet, si dhe zotime globale; dhe t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb incentiva t\u00eb qarta p\u00ebr vendet q\u00eb i respektojn\u00eb zotimet, si dhe q\u00eb k\u00ebto t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura me nj\u00eb lloj kusht\u00ebzimi p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket cil\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb partneritetit me SHBA dhe asistenc\u00ebn e saj. S\u00eb dyti, zotimet e samitit dhe implikimet e tyre duhet t\u00eb komunikohen qart\u00eb p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb vitit n\u00eb nivelin vendor dhe shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb civile lokale duhet t\u00eb marrin rol udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje strategjike t\u00eb komunikimit. S\u00eb treti, meq\u00eb Samiti p\u00ebr Demokracin\u00eb synon t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb korniz\u00eb p\u00ebr angazhimin p\u00ebr demokraci t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb nivel global, shoq\u00ebria civile demokratike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitonte nga t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrja n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb platform\u00eb globale t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me samitin dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet n\u00eb monitorimin e progresit t\u00eb zotimeve. Kjo jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund\u00ebsonte angazhimin dhe shk\u00ebmbimin me t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, por gjitashtu do t\u00eb fuqizonte dhe legjitimonte aktor\u00ebt e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile n\u00eb vend. N\u00eb fund, p\u00ebr ato vende q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb ftuar n\u00eb samit, do t\u00eb ishte mir\u00eb q\u00eb SHBA-ja t\u00eb elaboronte m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr arsyet p\u00ebr p\u00ebrjashtim dhe t\u00eb fillonte dialogun p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfshirje n\u00eb samitin e ardhsh\u00ebm, i cili do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte aktor\u00eb t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrs\u00eb civile.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb botuar nga instituti German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMFUS) si pjes\u00eb e\u00a0nj\u00eb punimi\u00a0m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb mbi pritjet e shteteve t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Qendrore dhe Lindore prej Samitit p\u00ebr Demokracin\u00eb t\u00eb organizuar nga SHBA. Ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb botuar si kapitull i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. Pyetja standarde drejtuar ekspert\u00ebve ishte: cilat duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":438,"featured_media":8538,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[972,998,999],"ppma_author":[985],"class_list":["post-6066","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosove","tag-politike","tag-shba"],"authors":[{"term_id":985,"user_id":438,"is_guest":0,"slug":"agon-maliqi","display_name":"Agon Maliqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Maliqi","first_name":"Agon","description":"Agon Maliqi \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, analist dhe aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile nga Prishtina, me banim n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb. Prej disa vitesh ai punon si k\u00ebshill\u00ebtar dhe studies i pavarur i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, paqes dhe demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mori institutesh, organizatash dhe mediash vendase dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00eb\u00ebtare. Si aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr thuajse 20 vite, zt. Maliqi mes tjerash ka qen\u00eb bashk\u00ebthemelues dhe drejtues per disa vite i platform\u00ebs sbunker. N\u00eb vitin 2019 ai q\u00ebndroi p\u00ebr gjysm\u00eb viti n\u00eb Uashington D.C si p\u00ebrfitues i Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fello\u00ebship n\u00eb Fondin Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Demokracis\u00eb (NED) n\u00eb SHBA. Sot ai \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Grupit Strategjik p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Fondacionit Heinrich B\u00f6ll (HBS) me baz\u00eb n\u00eb Berlin; pjes\u00eb e Task Forc\u00ebs rajonale t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Institutit Republikan Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (IRI) dhe an\u00ebtar i Koalicionit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr Rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritje Demokratike (ICDR) t\u00eb Forumit 2000 n\u00eb Prag\u00eb. Zt. Maliqi ka mbaruar studimet master p\u00ebr politikat e zhvillimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb Duke University (SHBA) dhe ato bachelor p\u00ebr shkenca politike dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin Amerikan n\u00eb Bullgari."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6066","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/438"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6066"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6066\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8401,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6066\/revisions\/8401"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8538"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6066"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6066"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6066"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6066"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}