{"id":6108,"date":"2021-11-15T15:43:01","date_gmt":"2021-11-15T13:43:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6108"},"modified":"2024-10-09T15:43:43","modified_gmt":"2024-10-09T13:43:43","slug":"vjeshta-e-ankthit-zgjedhor-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/vjeshta-e-ankthit-zgjedhor-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cVjeshta e ankthit\u201d zgjedhor (II)"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p><strong>Politika jo(lokale)\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Sidoqoft\u00eb, shkarje t\u00eb tilla mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb edhe produkt i m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje i \u00ebsht\u00eb qasur nivelit lokal t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. Gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj, ajo nuk kishte demonstruar ndonj\u00eb interesim t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e k\u00ebtij segmenti t\u00eb pushtetit, sikur bie fjala p\u00ebr at\u00eb nacional.<\/p>\n<p>Ajo ishte ngjizur dhe konsoliduar si entitet politik m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb termat e strategjive t\u00eb politik\u00ebs totale, t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme dhe pretendimeve t\u00eb saj p\u00ebr rezistenc\u00eb \u201cglobale\u201d. Madje, edhe kur ka qen\u00eb e fokusuar n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb proceseve q\u00eb n\u00eb shikim t\u00eb par\u00eb kan\u00eb pasur karakter lokal, n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ky kontestim i \u00ebsht\u00eb subordinuar nj\u00eb plani m\u00eb t\u00eb madh p\u00ebr mbrojtje t\u00eb funksionalitetit total t\u00eb shtetit.\u00a0\u00a0Dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim mund thuhet se segmenti i politik\u00ebb\u00ebrjes lokale nuk e kan\u00eb g\u00ebzuar t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin vend n\u00eb hierarkin\u00eb e preokupimeve t\u00eb saj politike.<\/p>\n<p>Kurse shp\u00ebrfilljen e k\u00ebtij\u00a0\u00a0\u201cmikrokozmosi\u201d politik mbase duhet k\u00ebrkuar te nj\u00eb koncept i \u00e7uditsh\u00ebm \u201celitisit\u201d\u00a0\u00a0q\u00eb bart\u00ebsit e k\u00ebsaj L\u00ebvizjeje e kan\u00eb mish\u00ebruar nd\u00ebr vite. Te bindja e tyre se mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkitje totale nd\u00ebrmjet masave popullore n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb dhe grupit t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb t\u00eb organizat\u00ebs n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, duke e p\u00ebrfytyruar t\u00eb par\u00ebn vet\u00ebm si material p\u00ebr q\u00ebllimet politike t\u00eb s\u00eb dyt\u00ebs. K\u00ebshtu fokusimi, investimi dhe p\u00ebrgatitja n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nivel t\u00eb pushtetit ka qen\u00eb jorelevante p\u00ebrball\u00eb ambicies p\u00ebr ta instaluar nj\u00eb hegjemoni t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme politike dhe ideologjike.<\/p>\n<p>Por, si\u00e7 ka th\u00ebn\u00eb Michel Foucault, \u201c\u00e7do pushtet prodhon rezistenc\u00eb\u201d,\u00a0\u00a0apo si\u00e7 ka argumentuar Chantal Mouffe n\u00eb librin e saj \u201cAgonistic-Thinking the World Politically\u201d, ta \u201cmendosh bot\u00ebn politikisht do t\u00eb thot\u00eb ta pranosh dimensionin ontologjik t\u00eb negativitetit radikal\u201d. T\u00eb pajtohesh se \u201cekzistenca e nj\u00eb forme t\u00eb negativitetit kurr\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb tejkalohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dialektike dhe se objektiviteti i plot\u00eb po ashtu s\u2019mund t\u00eb arrihet asnj\u00ebher\u00eb, kurse antagonizmat mbeten nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi e p\u00ebrhershme e k\u00ebsaj sfere\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj bilancin e k\u00ebtyre zgjedhjeve mund ta shohim si konfirmim t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre pandehmave. Pra rezistenca ndaj pushtetit dhe beteja ndaj projeksioneve q\u00eb aspirojn\u00eb ta sintetizojn\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb totale u zhvendos n\u00eb nivelin lokal t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Pik\u00ebrisht aty ku L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje e kishte pritur m\u00eb s\u00eb paku. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb veprim q\u00eb i ngjason kategoris\u00eb hegeliane t\u00eb \u201cdinak\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb mendjes\u201d, shoq\u00ebria kosovare i \u201cp\u00ebrdori\u201d partit\u00eb opozitare si mjet p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur \u201clogosin\u201d e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb \u201cnegativitetit radikal\u201d. Ashtu si dikur e kishte \u201cp\u00ebrdorur\u201d L\u00ebvizjen Vet\u00ebvendosje kund\u00ebr tyre derisa ato ishin n\u00eb pushtet.<\/p>\n<p>Po ashtu, k\u00ebto rirreshtime qytetare, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, treguan se edhe n\u00ebse d\u00ebshirojm\u00eb t\u00eb operojm\u00eb me kategori hegeliane, kjo rrug\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet bastardimit dhe manipulimit propagandistik me tezat e k\u00ebtij mendimtari p\u00ebr interesa t\u00eb politik\u00ebs ditore. Por aplikimin e skemave t\u00eb tilla teorike n\u00eb rrethanat tona bashk\u00ebkohore mbase mund ta b\u00ebjm\u00eb, si\u00e7 ka pohuar Richard J. Bernstein n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cThe New Constellation \u2013 The Ethical-Political Horizons of Modernity\/Postmoderntiy\u201d, duke e pranuar dinamik\u00ebn e p\u00ebrhershme sociale dhe politike t\u00eb \u201cpajtimit-thyerjes\u201d (Reconciliation\/Rupture), pa arritur q\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb ta tejkalojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces \u201cdialektik\u201d.\u00a0\u00a0Nd\u00ebrkaq, t\u00eb menduarit n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet \u201cHegelit, kund\u00ebr Hegelit\u201d po ashtu na nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebson p\u00ebr pamund\u00ebsin\u00eb \u201cpajtimit racional p\u00ebrfundimtar\u201d n\u00ebn ombrell\u00ebn e kategorive t\u00eb frym\u00ebs absolute.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj k\u00ebto zhvendosje politike qytetare, krahas zhg\u00ebnjimit publik me qeverisjen e L\u00ebvizjes n\u00eb nivel qendror, mund t\u00eb shihen edhe si goditje ndaj k\u00ebsaj pjese t\u00eb konceptit t\u00eb saj politik. Dhe kjo disfat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb serioze sesa l\u00ebvizjet elektorale. T\u00eb tronditur nga k\u00ebto \u201cekstreme\u201d, eksponent\u00ebt e Vet\u00ebvendosjes, n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr ta justifikuar realitetin e ri sajuan edhe deklarata groteske. T\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit q\u00eb atmosfer\u00ebn e 14 shkurtit e definuan si manifestim i nj\u00eb vet\u00ebdijesimi t\u00eb madh popullor, pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb zgjedhjeve lokale, e k\u00ebrkuan fajtorin kujdestar p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb r\u00ebnie, te klientelizmi i partive t\u00eb \u201cregjimit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr\u201d. Tek aleancat e tyre subversive kund\u00ebr progresit t\u00eb \u201cregjimit t\u00eb ri\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Mir\u00ebpo shtrohet pyetja, si ndodhi q\u00eb vet\u00ebdija e emancipuar politike t\u00eb reifikohet kaq shpejt nga ingranazhi i klientelizmit t\u00eb ish-partive t\u00eb regjimit? Apo pse ato s\u2019qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje derisa ishin n\u00eb pushtet ta tjet\u00ebrsonin vullnetin politik t\u00eb referendumit, por e arrit\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebllim \u201cdjall\u00ebzor\u201d nga pozicioni i opozit\u00ebs? Kontradikta t\u00eb tilla vet\u00ebm sa d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se ata nuk e kan\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb as arsyen e suksesit t\u00eb tyre gati absolut n\u00eb shkurt dhe as p\u00ebrgjysmimin e mb\u00ebshtetjes popullore tani.<\/p>\n<p>Natyrisht, kjo s\u2019do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje do t\u00eb margjinalizohet brenda nat\u00ebs nga skena politike. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ajo do t\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb faktor i patejkaluesh\u00ebm politik. Dhe at\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa \u00ebnd\u00ebrrojn\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e saj, por m\u00eb pak sesa aspirojn\u00eb drejtuesit e k\u00ebtij formacioni.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb produkt i frustrimeve publike, shterp\u00ebzimeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm politike dhe shoq\u00ebrore, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn partit\u00eb \u201ctradicionale\u201d q\u00eb kan\u00eb qeverisur deri n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti e kan\u00eb pesh\u00ebn dhe p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb kryesore. Ka qen\u00eb kryesisht sjellja e tyre politike dhe institucionale e cila ndikoi q\u00eb ky formacion nga di\u00e7ka q\u00eb shihej me nj\u00eb lloj dyshimi t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb t\u00eb vetmen shpres\u00eb, nga nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje q\u00eb perceptohej si radikale t\u00eb p\u00ebrqafohej si e nevojshme dhe e domosdoshme.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj, desh\u00ebm apo s\u2019desh\u00ebm ta pranojm\u00eb, ky formacion me retorik\u00ebn, presionin, propagand\u00ebn, kritik\u00ebn dhe aktivizmin konstant i ka shtuar pritjet e qytetar\u00ebve nga politika. Dhe n\u00eb saje t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj strategjie L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje n\u00eb zgjedhjet nacionale q\u00eb u mbajt\u00ebn n\u00eb muajin shkurt arriti q\u00eb t\u00eb imponohet para opinionit si e vetmja adres\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshim. Mir\u00ebpo, paradoksalisht, n\u00eb zgjedhjet lokale t\u00eb tetorit ky vullnet politik u shkap\u00ebrderdh edhe n\u00eb formacione dhe individ\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. Sepse me disa nominime kjo L\u00ebvizje doli kund\u00ebr pritjeve q\u00eb vet\u00eb i kishte proklamuar. Ajo n\u00eb komuna t\u00eb caktuara u pozicionua n\u00eb antinomi me nevojat dhe shtytjet e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb kosovare p\u00ebr ndryshim. P\u00ebr \u00e7ka edhe u nd\u00ebshkua nga zgjedh\u00ebsit.<\/p>\n<p>Me k\u00ebt\u00eb l\u00ebkundje, L\u00ebvizjes Vet\u00ebvendosje iu b\u00eb e qart\u00eb se tash e tutje\u00a0 nuk mund ta siguroj\u00eb performanc\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme vet\u00ebm nga suksesi n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, por nga perspektiva p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen. Fenomen q\u00eb e kishin p\u00ebrjetuar edhe partit\u00eb e tjera. Sepse edhe ato nj\u00eb koh\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrronin se me triumfin e tyre kishte p\u00ebrfunduar historia. Prandaj s\u2019ka kush t\u2019i degdis\u00eb nga pushteti p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb meritave historike q\u00eb g\u00ebzonin n\u00eb procesin e shtet-nd\u00ebrtimit. Se mund t\u00eb sillen si t\u2019ua ka qejfi. Ta ofendojn\u00eb qytetarin mesatar t\u00eb k\u00ebtij vendi. T\u2019i shp\u00ebrfillin, interesat, pritjet, gjykimin politik madje edhe shijet estetike dhe kulturore t\u00eb tij. Sepse, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e obliguar t\u00eb punoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm me ta, meq\u00eb s\u2019mund t\u00eb gjej\u00eb partner\u00eb tjer\u00eb, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ngarkesave ideologjike t\u00eb Vet\u00ebvendosjes dhe q\u00ebndrimit p\u00ebr dialogun etj. Por se si rrodh\u00ebn ngjarjet dihet nga t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ne. Ato e paguan nj\u00eb tag\u00ebr posht\u00ebruese p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arroganc\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Mir\u00ebpo, si\u00e7 ka th\u00ebn\u00eb Hegeli, e \u201cvetmja gj\u00eb q\u00eb kemi m\u00ebsuar nga historia \u00ebsht\u00eb prirja p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos m\u00ebsuar asgj\u00eb prej saj\u201d. Dhe kjo tendenc\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shp\u00ebrfillur orakullin e historis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb treguar me pasoja fatale n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e \u00e7do partie politike. Nga ky tundim nuk arriti t\u00eb \u00e7lirohet as L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje. Drejtuesit e saj kalkuluan se meq\u00eb shoq\u00ebria kosovare i kishte nd\u00ebshkuar nj\u00ebher\u00eb partit\u00eb \u201ctradicionale\u201d p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb gabimeve t\u00eb tyre, tash kjo L\u00ebvizje mund t\u00eb sillej si t\u00eb donte sepse mungonte nj\u00eb\u00a0alternativ\u00eb serioze ndaj tyre. Po ashtu shpresuan se mund t\u2019i fitojn\u00eb zgjedhjet lokale me figura t\u00eb shpenzuara dhe komike publike, vet\u00ebm pse e mbanin etiket\u00ebn e Vet\u00ebvendosjes, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb pastaj t\u00eb kishin mund\u00ebsi ta ushtronin pushtetin e tyre thuajse absolut. Mir\u00ebpo, llogarit\u00eb e \u201cindulgjenc\u00ebs\u201d morale u dol\u00ebn gabim. Sepse qytetar\u00ebt s\u2019e pranuan t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gjell\u00eb vet\u00ebm pse ishte nd\u00ebrruar garnitura.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj, n\u00ebse k\u00ebto zgjedhje d\u00ebshmuan di\u00e7ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb formacion politik, por p\u00ebr \u00e7do parti tjet\u00ebr, \u00ebsht\u00eb se n\u00ebse ato d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb tash e tutje t\u00eb ken\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebri stabile, nuk mjafton vet\u00ebm angazhimi n\u00eb nivelin \u201cmakro-politik\u201d duke e shp\u00ebrfillur dhe injoruar dimensionin e nivelit \u201cmikro-politik\u201d.\u00a0 At\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme ky qytetari takohet drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me efektet konkrete t\u00eb pushtetit. \u00a0Se forcimi i autoriteteve t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjetme politike q\u00eb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb n\u00eb mes t\u00eb lidershipit t\u00eb partis\u00eb dhe qytetar\u00ebve, nuk guxon t\u00eb shihet si rrezik dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr pushtetin e drejtuesve t\u00eb formacionit politik, por si nj\u00eb shans p\u00ebr \u00e7do lider. Kurse nd\u00ebrtimi i demokracis\u00eb b\u00ebhet pik\u00ebrisht nga investimi n\u00eb nivelin horizontal t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. Po ashtu ato treguan se koha e lider\u00ebve t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj po per\u00ebndon. Kurse zgjedhjet tash e tutje s\u2019mund t\u2019i fitoj\u00eb asnj\u00eb drejtues i vet\u00ebm pavar\u00ebsisht iluzioneve mbi atributet e tij \u201cekstra-politike\u201d heroike dhe historike. Nd\u00ebrkaq \u201cmuzgu i idhujve\u201d do jet\u00eb horizonti dhe fatumi i rendit ton\u00eb politik.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Politika jo(lokale)\u00a0 Sidoqoft\u00eb, shkarje t\u00eb tilla mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb edhe produkt i m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje i \u00ebsht\u00eb qasur nivelit lokal t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. Gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj, ajo nuk kishte demonstruar ndonj\u00eb interesim t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e k\u00ebtij segmenti t\u00eb pushtetit, sikur bie fjala p\u00ebr at\u00eb nacional. Ajo ishte ngjizur dhe konsoliduar [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":377,"featured_media":8154,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[371],"class_list":["post-6108","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize"],"authors":[{"term_id":371,"user_id":377,"is_guest":0,"slug":"afrim-kasolli","display_name":"Afrim Kasolli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Kasolli","first_name":"Afrim","description":"Afrim Kasolli ka studiuar Filozofi-Sociologji. Nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka ligj\u00ebruar l\u00ebnd\u00ebn \u201cHyrje n\u00eb Shkencat Politike n\u00eb Kolegjin Victory\u201d. Ka qen\u00eb deputet i Kuvendit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Merret me shkrime dhe ese filozofike. Sfer\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb tij \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofia politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6108","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/377"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6108"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6108\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8156,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6108\/revisions\/8156"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8154"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6108"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6108"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6108"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6108"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}