Kosova kaloi muajin e tret\u00eb pas zgjedhjeve parlamentare t\u00eb 6 tetorit, pa nj\u00eb qeveri t\u00eb re. V\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb koalicion qeveris\u00ebs, pavar\u00ebsisht joshjes s\u00eb madhe q\u00eb t\u00eb jep pushteti n\u00eb vetvete, jan\u00eb nj\u00eb d\u00ebshmi e mbizot\u00ebrimit t\u00eb mentalitetit dhe klim\u00ebs konfliktuale mes shqiptar\u00ebve q\u00eb e b\u00ebn t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb arritjen e nj\u00eb kompromisi. Edhe pse ka fituar nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb zbeht\u00eb prej 26.27% me nj\u00eb diferenc\u00eb prej rreth 1% prej partis\u00eb s\u00eb dyt\u00eb, po heziton q\u00eb t\u00eb arrij\u00eb nj\u00eb ujdi p\u00ebr qeverisjen. Partia q\u00eb e ka ndezur dhe acaruar m\u00eb shum\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb konfliktualitet i cili e b\u00ebn t\u00eb pamundur arritjen e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebqeverisje \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb LVV ka promovuar iden\u00eb e ndryshimeve radikale, p\u00ebrmbysjes s\u00eb sistemit dhe anatemimin e klas\u00ebs ekzistuese politike, mir\u00ebpo tani q\u00eb ka dal\u00eb partia e par\u00eb i duhet q\u00eb ta ndaj\u00eb pushtetin me partin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr kosovare. Si pasoj\u00eb e keqkuptimeve t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, sot kjo parti \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre viktim\u00eb e suksesit t\u00eb saj p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket demonizimit t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve politik\u00eb dhe krijimit t\u00eb pritshm\u00ebrive t\u00eb skajshme moraliste p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si duhet t\u00eb veprojn\u00eb partit\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Prandaj nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shkaktaret e k\u00ebsaj situate \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim keqkuptimi i sistemit demokratik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe kultivimi i nj\u00eb klime politike konfliktuale e toksike p\u00ebr vite me radh\u00eb q\u00eb e b\u00ebn t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb dialogun dhe marr\u00ebveshjen. LVV me fushat\u00ebn e saj konstante negative ia ka dal\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb bind\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb elektoratit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb ka deficit patriotik se lufta politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb kushtet e demokracis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj si lufta \u00e7lirimtare kund\u00ebr regjimit t\u00eb Milosheviqit. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00eb ata q\u00eb rend\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb bashkoheshin n\u00eb frontin e LVV kund\u00ebr partive rivale shqiptare me shpres\u00ebn se n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, ata dhe familjet e tyre, barazoheshin me veteran\u00ebt e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket kontributit ndaj atdheut. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn retorik\u00eb, agresivitet e ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb edhe mjete subversive q\u00eb u p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn kund\u00ebr okupator\u00ebve m\u00eb par\u00eb, filluan ti p\u00ebrdornin edhe kund\u00ebr kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve politik\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Carl von Clausewitz dikur ka th\u00ebn\u00eb se \u201clufta ishte vazhdimi i politik\u00ebs me mjete t\u00eb tjera\u201d mir\u00ebpo duhet kuptuar se politika nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vazhdimi i luft\u00ebs, por \u00ebsht\u00eb ne fakt alternativa q\u00eb kemi p\u00ebrkundrejt luft\u00ebs. Mir\u00ebpo n\u00eb demokraci pra n\u00eb sistemin politik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, p\u00ebrdorimi i fjal\u00ebs \u201clufta politike\u201d duhet par\u00eb thjesht si metafor\u00eb por kurrsesi jo si nj\u00eb barazim. N\u00eb luft\u00ebn prej v\u00ebrteti si\u00e7 qe ajo \u00e7lirimtare, kund\u00ebrshtari duhet asgj\u00ebsuar apo shkat\u00ebrruar nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb luft\u00ebn politike rivali mposhtet n\u00eb gar\u00eb zgjedhore, b\u00ebhet ujdi ose bindet. Ne faktikisht kujdesemi p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e sistemit demokratik t\u00eb bazuar tek pluralizmi, dialogu e kompromisi pik\u00ebrisht sepse politika na ruan nga m\u00eb e keqja. Ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb pa k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj politike katandisemi n\u00eb luft\u00eb. Prandaj n\u00eb politik\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt nuk duhen par\u00eb si armiq t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetsh\u00ebm t\u00eb papajtuesh\u00ebm por si rival\u00eb rrethanor\u00eb q\u00eb her\u00ebt a von\u00eb mund t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohen edhe n\u00eb aleat\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm ose bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangsh\u00ebm. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb vlen edhe p\u00ebr kompromisin politik, i cili nuk duhet konsideruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb si tradh\u00ebti ndaj atdheut por si nj\u00eb instrument i domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar bashk\u00ebjetes\u00ebn n\u00eb paqe mes njer\u00ebzve q\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsi, ide, bindje e shije t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n
Jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb sistemi demokratik n\u00eb vetvete e ka pjes\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore negocimin, konsesusin e marr\u00ebveshjeve, por sistemi politik i Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht konsensual dhe gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs. Sistemi elektoral i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti dhe arkitektura e institucioneve politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb shmang p\u00ebrqendrimin e pushtetit n\u00eb nj\u00eb dor\u00eb t\u00eb vetme dhe jep mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb gjer\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfshirje n\u00eb qeverisje. Proporcionali komb\u00ebtar, n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb bonuseve p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn sikurse i ka Greqia, sjell nj\u00eb sistem partiak t\u00eb cop\u00ebzuar ku \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb parti t\u00eb marr\u00eb 50+1% t\u00eb parlamentit. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb partis\u00eb s\u00eb par\u00eb i duhet medoemos q\u00eb t\u00eb hyj\u00eb n\u00eb ujdi me parti kund\u00ebrshtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar shumic\u00eb. Kjo gj\u00eb padyshim q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb por e nevojshme p\u00ebrndryshe duhet shkuar n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpresuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb konjuktur\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb rezultateve. Nga kjo gj\u00eb vuajn\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha vendet q\u00eb kan\u00eb sistem t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm. P\u00ebr shembull sivjet Spanja ka hyr\u00eb dy her\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje elektorale sepse ka qen\u00eb e pamundur arritja e nj\u00eb koalicioni midis Partis\u00eb Socialiste t\u00eb Spanj\u00ebs dhe Podemos n\u00eb prill u desh q\u00eb t\u00eb organizoheshin zgjedhje t\u00eb reja n\u00eb n\u00ebntor e mandej k\u00ebto dy parti u mor\u00ebn vesh dhe formuan qeveri. N\u00eb Izrael sapo kan\u00eb vendosur q\u00eb t\u00eb futen n\u00eb zgjedhjet e treta parlamentare radhazi sepse Benjamin Netanjahu nuk ia doli q\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb mazhoranc\u00eb parlamentare me parti t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>\n
Historia e shkurt\u00ebr e demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs e d\u00ebshmon m\u00eb s\u00eb miri nevoj\u00ebn e partive p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur nj\u00eb ujdi me kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt politik\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr shembull n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb vitit 2004 Lidhja Demokratike e Kosov\u00ebs fitoi 45.42% t\u00eb votave duke siguruar 47% deputet\u00eb e megjithat\u00eb ia la postin e kryeministrit AAK-s\u00eb q\u00eb mori vet\u00ebm 8.39% t\u00eb votave apo 9 deputet\u00eb. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb Kosova pati radhazi tre kryeministra t\u00eb AAK-s\u00eb, Ramush Haradinajn, Bajram Kosumin dhe Agim \u00c7ekun. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr Partia Demokratike e Kosov\u00ebs kur doli fitimtare me 37 deputet\u00eb nga zgjedhjet e vitit 2007 u detyrua q\u00eb t’i jepte LDK-s\u00eb pozit\u00ebn e presidentit p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar formimin koalicionit qeveris\u00ebs. Kuptohet q\u00eb k\u00ebto nuk ishin martesa me dashuri por p\u00ebr leverdi. P\u00ebrpos k\u00ebsaj ajo q\u00eb e shton nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim e i detyron partit\u00eb kosovare q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb rezervuara n\u00eb sulme ndaj nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebs, \u00ebsht\u00eb qeverisja vendore e cila ka goxha pushtet. Sistemi politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb i detyron t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat parti q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb koalicion qeverisje vendore q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtare n\u00eb qeverisje lokale dhe anasjelltas.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr gabimet tipike q\u00eb b\u00ebhen shpesh edhe p\u00ebrkundrejt Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb e vendeve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb tranzicionit, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti q\u00eb sistemi politik i Kosov\u00ebs m\u00eb shum\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb bashk\u00ebvepruese apo t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn konsocionale sesa n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb konkurruese apo mazhoritare. Termi demokraci konsocionale e ka origjin\u00ebn tek studimet e Arend Lijphart b\u00ebn analiz\u00ebn e sistemeve politike t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb Skandinavis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb Beneluksit. Thelbi i k\u00ebsaj demokracie nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm gara dhe qeverisja e shumic\u00ebs por bashk\u00ebpunimi dhe vendim-marrja e b\u00ebr\u00eb me maksimumin e konsenusit duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha segmentet e ndryshme t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Pra kompensimi i rrezikut t\u00eb tiranis\u00eb s\u00eb shumic\u00ebs q\u00eb ka demokracia, me instrumente institucional\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb edhe pakicat n\u00eb vendimmarrje. K\u00ebtu b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb organizim politik q\u00eb shmang jo vet\u00ebm konfliktin nd\u00ebretnik por edhe intraetnik , duke i detyruar pal\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb merren vesh. Me sa duket k\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e Vet\u00ebvendosjes e kan\u00eb t\u00eb paqart\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt po kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb q\u00eb LVV-ja t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb l\u00ebshime n\u00eb pozita p\u00ebr LDK-n\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Ky sistem i demokracis\u00eb konsocionale i bashk\u00ebndarjes apo bashk\u00ebp\u00ebrfshirjes s\u00eb pushtetit politik ka kat\u00ebr tipare kryesore dalluese. S\u00eb pari \u00ebsht\u00eb tendenca p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur qeveri t\u00eb koalicioneve t\u00eb gjera me p\u00ebrfshirje t\u00eb shum\u00eb partive nga segmente t\u00eb shumta t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb (sikurse \u00ebsht\u00eb nevoja aktuale e Kosov\u00ebs). S\u00eb dyti ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me autonomin\u00eb relative n\u00eb aspektin kulturor t\u00eb grupimeve t\u00eb ndryshme ku n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me akomodimin kulturor t\u00eb serb\u00ebve dhe pakicave t\u00eb tjera (elektorale). S\u00eb treti ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me proporcionalitetin qoft\u00eb n\u00eb sistemin elektoral dhe qoft\u00eb n\u00eb marrjen e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsive dhe pozitave politike apo n\u00eb pun\u00ebsimin n\u00eb sektorin publik. S\u00eb fundmi ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me veton e pakicave, ku vendime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme nuk mund t\u00eb merren thjesht nga shumica por k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb edhe miratimin e pakicave (sikurse ka qen\u00eb debati p\u00ebr ligjet e formimit t\u00eb ushtris\u00eb). P\u00ebrderisa nuk ka ndonj\u00eb reform\u00eb kushtetuese n\u00eb horizont q\u00eb do ta ndryshonte rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht sistemin politik k\u00ebto ngelen rregullat e loj\u00ebs s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb kosovare. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, ashtu sikurse ka rishikuar e rip\u00ebrpunuar q\u00ebndrimet e saj p\u00ebrkundrejt shum\u00eb zhvillimeve n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (si p\u00ebr shembull njohja e shtetit me simbolet e saja, hyrja n\u00eb zgjedhje demokratike e heqja dor\u00eb nga portretizimi i SHBA-ve e aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb si armiq imperialist\u00eb) duhet q\u00eb LVV t\u00eb vet\u00ebdij\u00ebsohet e t\u00eb kuptoj\u00eb si\u00e7 duhet sistemin e demokracis\u00eb kosovare pra edhe nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr kompromis e ndarje pushteti me parti t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Kosova kaloi muajin e tret\u00eb pas zgjedhjeve parlamentare t\u00eb 6 tetorit, pa nj\u00eb qeveri t\u00eb re. V\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb koalicion qeveris\u00ebs, pavar\u00ebsisht joshjes s\u00eb madhe q\u00eb t\u00eb jep pushteti n\u00eb vetvete, jan\u00eb nj\u00eb d\u00ebshmi e mbizot\u00ebrimit t\u00eb mentalitetit dhe klim\u00ebs konfliktuale mes shqiptar\u00ebve q\u00eb e b\u00ebn t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb arritjen e nj\u00eb kompromisi. Edhe […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":6868,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[972,998,1222],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-6169","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kosove","tag-politike","tag-sistemi-demokratik"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6169","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6169"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6169\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7947,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6169\/revisions\/7947"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6868"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6169"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6169"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6169"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6169"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}