{"id":6917,"date":"2024-06-05T14:54:14","date_gmt":"2024-06-05T13:54:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6917"},"modified":"2024-07-19T15:02:37","modified_gmt":"2024-07-19T14:02:37","slug":"pse-asnje-qeveri-deri-me-tani-nuk-e-ka-perfunduar-mandatin-katervjecar-ne-kosove","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/opinion\/pse-asnje-qeveri-deri-me-tani-nuk-e-ka-perfunduar-mandatin-katervjecar-ne-kosove\/","title":{"rendered":"Pse asnj\u00eb qeveri deri m\u00eb tani nuk e ka p\u00ebrfunduar mandatin kat\u00ebrvje\u00e7ar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Q\u00eb nga shpallja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs m\u00eb 2008, asnj\u00eb qeveri e Kosov\u00ebs nuk e ka p\u00ebrfunduar mandatin e plot\u00eb kat\u00ebrvje\u00e7ar.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj, ka pasur dallime t\u00eb dukshme mes jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb qeverive, ku disa kan\u00eb qen\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme (Tha\u00e7i 1 dhe Kurti 2) e disa m\u00eb jet\u00ebshkurtra (Kurti 1 dhe Hoti). Mesatarja e jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb mandateve n\u00eb nivel qendror \u00ebsht\u00eb rreth 1 vit e 10 muaj. Pra, m\u00eb pak se dy vjet.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>2008 &#8211; <strong>Thaqi 1:<\/strong> 1029 dit\u00eb (n\u00eb detyr\u00eb: 1140)<\/li>\n<li>2011 &#8211; <strong>Thaqi 2:<\/strong> 1202 dit\u00eb (n\u00eb detyr\u00eb: 1386)<\/li>\n<li>2014 &#8211; <strong>Mustafa:<\/strong> 881 dit\u00eb (n\u00eb detyr\u00eb: 1005)<\/li>\n<li>2017 &#8211; <strong>Haradinaj:<\/strong> 679 dit\u00eb (n\u00eb detyr\u00eb: 887)<\/li>\n<li>2020 &#8211; <strong>Kurti 1:<\/strong> 52 dit\u00eb (n\u00eb detyr\u00eb: 121)<\/li>\n<li>2020 &#8211; <strong>Hoti:<\/strong> 172 dit\u00eb (n\u00eb detyr\u00eb: 262)<\/li>\n<li>2021 \u2013 <strong>Kurti 2<\/strong>: mbi 1170 dit\u00eb (ende n\u00eb qeverisje)<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Mandatet e plota ose t\u00eb gjata jan\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, sepse ato i japin stabilitet politik vendit, lejojn\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr reforma e projekte afatgjata shtet\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, mosp\u00ebrfundimi i mandateve nga opinionist\u00eb mund t\u00eb shihet si paaft\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebrguar mandatin deri n\u00eb fund, pra munges\u00eb e kultur\u00ebs institucionale politike. Megjithat\u00eb, arsyeja kryesore pse qeverit\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs nuk e p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb mandatin nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb vet\u00ebm me koalicionet e paq\u00ebndrueshme, por me sistemin politik n\u00eb vend.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb nivelin lokal, kryetar\u00ebt e komunave, sado efikas q\u00eb jan\u00eb, n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve i p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb me sukses mandatet e tyre kat\u00ebrvje\u00e7are.<\/p>\n<p>Edhe n\u00eb rastet kur prishen koalicionet n\u00eb asamble komunale, mandati i kryetarit t\u00eb Komun\u00ebs mbetet i pal\u00ebkundur. Sistemi politik n\u00eb nivelin lokal parasheh q\u00eb mandati i kryetarit t\u00eb mos mund t\u00eb rrezohet nga asambleja komunale.<\/p>\n<p>Sivjet, kryetari i Prishtin\u00ebs P\u00ebrparim Rama <a href=\"https:\/\/telegrafi.com\/anulimi-vendimit-per-pronat-ne-badovc-prishja-e-koalicionit-ldk-pdk-ne-prishtine-dhe-deklaratat-gjithcka-nga-seanca-e-kuvendit-komunal\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">shkarkoi nga detyra<\/a> n\u00ebnkryetaren dhe drejtorin e Sh\u00ebrbimeve Publike, t\u00eb dy nga radh\u00ebt e PDK-s\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt i z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoi me persona nga <a href=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/perparimrama2021\/posts\/696340505995797?ref=embed_post\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">radh\u00ebt e LDK-s\u00eb<\/a>. Kryetari Rama, n\u00eb fakt, ristrukturoi gjith\u00eb kabinetin e tij dhe, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr prishjes s\u00eb koalicionit me PDK-n\u00eb, mandati i kryetarit mbeti i paprekur.<\/p>\n<p>Nd\u00ebrsa, n\u00eb Kuvendin e Kosov\u00ebs, kur ndodh prishja e koalicioneve, at\u00ebher\u00eb partneri i koalicionit bashk\u00eb me opozit\u00ebn mund ta rr\u00ebzojn\u00eb qeverin\u00eb me vet\u00ebm 61 vota (50% plus nj\u00eb).<\/p>\n<p>Kujtojm\u00eb se nj\u00eb mosmarr\u00ebveshje politike mes kryeministrit Kurti dhe ministrit t\u00eb Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Brendshme nga radh\u00ebt e LDK-s\u00eb, Agim Veliu, kishte rezultuar n\u00eb shkarkimin e tij.<\/p>\n<p>Si kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje, LDK-ja kishte iniciuar mocion mosbesimi ndaj qeveris\u00eb dhe r\u00ebnien e saj, vendim ky i cili e kishte l\u00ebn\u00eb vendin pa qeveri n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur ballafaqohej me pandemin\u00eb globale COVID-19.<\/p>\n<p>Sistemi politik i Kosov\u00ebs ngjason m\u00eb shum\u00eb me at\u00eb <a href=\"https:\/\/blogs.lse.ac.uk\/politicsandpolicy\/snap-elections-political-trust\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">britanik<\/a>, ku qeverit\u00eb mund t\u00eb rr\u00ebzohen nga partner\u00ebt e koalicionit, por edhe nga vetvetja. Dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr arsyet kryesore pse gjithmon\u00eb kemi zgjedhje t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme e mandate t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfunduara n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Zgjedhjet mund t\u00eb thirren para kohe, sepse nj\u00eb koh\u00eb e caktuar kohore mund t\u00eb shihet si m\u00eb e favorshme p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet. Kjo mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur qeveria q\u00ebndron mir\u00eb n\u00eb sondazhe dhe synon t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb ri me mb\u00ebshtetje m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe elektorale. Por, gjithashtu edhe kur duhet legjitimim i ri, sepse qeveria n\u00eb pushtet nuk mund t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb ligje apo marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb caktuara, si\u00e7 ishte me rastin e d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb Qeveris\u00eb Mustafa <a href=\"https:\/\/zeri.info\/aktuale\/188730\/demarkacioni-deshtimi-trevjecar-i-kosoves\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb demarkacionin<\/a> me Malin e Zi n\u00eb Kuvend.<\/p>\n<p>Arsyet p\u00ebr mosp\u00ebrfundimin e mandatit qeveritar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme. M\u00eb 2014, qeveria Tha\u00e7i 2 e rr\u00ebzoi vetveten p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar qeveri t\u00eb re. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti i vet\u00ebm deri m\u00eb tani kur nj\u00eb qeveri ka rr\u00ebzuar vetveten, p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar koalicion t\u00eb ri.<\/p>\n<p>M\u00eb 2019, qeveria Haradinaj p\u00ebrfundoi mandatin me dor\u00ebheqjen e kryeministrit Haradinaj. Nd\u00ebrsa, t\u00eb gjitha qeverit\u00eb e tjera kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar me mocion mosbesimi ndaj qeveris\u00eb nga partneri i koalicionit.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr sistemit politik q\u00eb lejon rr\u00ebzimin e qeveris\u00eb e zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme, Kosova ka pasur edhe raste t\u00eb qeverive t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme. Pa dashur t\u00eb hyj n\u00eb at\u00eb se sa kan\u00eb qen\u00eb efektive, dy qeverit\u00eb m\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs s\u00eb pavarur jan\u00eb Tha\u00e7i 2 dhe Kurti 2, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb krijuar koalicion me subjekte t\u00eb vogla politike.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, sa her\u00eb ka pasur qeveri me kat\u00ebr partit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb: LVV, PDK, LDK dhe AAK, ato kan\u00eb r\u00ebn\u00eb si rezultat i mosmarr\u00ebveshjeve dhe t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb parterit politik nga koalicioni.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr shembull, Tha\u00e7i 1 ka r\u00ebn\u00eb pas t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb LDK-s\u00eb nga koalicioni, nd\u00ebrsa qeveria Mustafa ka r\u00ebn\u00eb pas t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb PDK-s\u00eb nga koalicioni.<\/p>\n<p>Sa u p\u00ebrket zgjedhjeve t\u00eb ardhshme n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, qeveria Kurti e p\u00ebrfundon mandatin n\u00eb mars 2025. Sipas ligjeve n\u00eb fuqi, zgjedhjet duhet t\u00eb thirren m\u00eb s\u00eb hershmi 60 dit\u00eb, apo m\u00eb s\u00eb voni 30 dit\u00eb para p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb mandatit.<\/p>\n<p>Data e zgjedhjeve \u00ebsht\u00eb e pazakonshme, sepse subjektet politike nuk preferojn\u00eb zgjedhje n\u00eb stin\u00ebn e dimrit. Organizimi i fushat\u00ebs dhe mobilizimi i votuesve n\u00eb dim\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, gj\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb rezultoj\u00eb n\u00eb dalje m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt n\u00eb zgjedhje.<\/p>\n<p>Vet\u00eb kryeministri Kurti <a href=\"https:\/\/insajderi.org\/vjeshta-apo-pranvera-cila-siten-me-e-pershtatshme-per-zgjedhje-kurti-kerkon-pergjigje-nga-opozita\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pati deklaruar<\/a> q\u00eb preferon zgjedhje n\u00eb pranver\u00eb ose vjesht\u00eb. Prandaj, duket se do t\u00eb ket\u00eb konsensus nga partit\u00eb politike q\u00eb vendi t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje n\u00eb vjesht\u00ebn e k\u00ebtij viti, q\u00eb nj\u00ebher\u00ebsh do t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe rasti i fundit para p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb mandatit.<\/p>\n<p>Sidoqoft\u00eb, formula e deritanishme p\u00ebr qeveri stabile ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb koalicion minimal, mes nj\u00eb partie t\u00eb madhe dhe nj\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl. Por, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb stabilitet m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm politik, \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndryshime ligjore e kushtetuese q\u00eb forcojn\u00eb mandatin e nj\u00eb qeverie politike, apo partit\u00eb n\u00eb qeveri t\u2019i zgjedhin mosmarr\u00ebveshjet brenda koalicionit, pa rr\u00ebzuar qeverin\u00eb para p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb mandatit.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Q\u00eb nga shpallja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs m\u00eb 2008, asnj\u00eb qeveri e Kosov\u00ebs nuk e ka p\u00ebrfunduar mandatin e plot\u00eb kat\u00ebrvje\u00e7ar. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj, ka pasur dallime t\u00eb dukshme mes jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb qeverive, ku disa kan\u00eb qen\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme (Tha\u00e7i 1 dhe Kurti 2) e disa m\u00eb jet\u00ebshkurtra (Kurti 1 dhe Hoti). Mesatarja e jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsis\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":442,"featured_media":6878,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[972,998,1001],"ppma_author":[1013],"class_list":["post-6917","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kosove","tag-politike","tag-qeveria-e-kosoves"],"authors":[{"term_id":1013,"user_id":442,"is_guest":0,"slug":"mehdi-sejdiu","display_name":"Mehdi Sejdiu","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Photo_Mehdi-Sejdiu.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Photo_Mehdi-Sejdiu.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Sejdiu","first_name":"Mehdi","description":"Mehdi Sejdiu doktorand i Shkencave Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Heidelbergut. Ai studioi Shkenca Politike dhe Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin \u015eehir t\u00eb Stambollit (BA) dhe Universitetin e Heidelberg (MA). Ka punuar si k\u00ebshilltar politik i Z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministrit t\u00eb Par\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (2021 \u2013 2023) duke koordinuar m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti \u00e7\u00ebshtjet Kosov\u00eb \u2013 BE, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin e procesit t\u00eb liberalizimit t\u00eb vizave.  Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb alumni i programeve si IPS nga Bundestagu Gjerman, Akademia Diplomatike e Vjen\u00ebs dhe TEFF nga Stiftung Mercator. Mehdiu ka punuar n\u00eb disa institute k\u00ebrkimore n\u00eb Gjermani dhe Kosov\u00eb, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb Institutin p\u00ebr Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Heidelberg, Grupin p\u00ebr Hulumtim t\u00eb Politikave Ballkanike dhe Grupin p\u00ebr Studime Juridike dhe Politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6917","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/442"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6917"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6917\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6924,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6917\/revisions\/6924"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6878"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6917"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6917"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6917"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6917"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}