{"id":7621,"date":"2021-02-05T10:25:42","date_gmt":"2021-02-05T08:25:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=7621"},"modified":"2024-09-12T10:27:59","modified_gmt":"2024-09-12T08:27:59","slug":"as-ketu-as-atje-marredheniet-e-nderlikuara-te-kosoves-me-bashkimin-evropian","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/as-ketu-as-atje-marredheniet-e-nderlikuara-te-kosoves-me-bashkimin-evropian\/","title":{"rendered":"As k\u00ebtu as atje: Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e nd\u00ebrlikuara t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me Bashkimin Evropian"},"content":{"rendered":"

Zhvillimet e brendshme politike t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb kan\u00eb \u00e7uar n\u00eb paaft\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbatuar nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme dhe kohezive ndaj Kosov\u00ebs, si\u00e7 u d\u00ebshmua n\u00eb rastin e liberalizimit t\u00eb vizave. Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi vend n\u00eb rajon q\u00eb konsiderohet vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb kandidat i mundsh\u00ebm nga ana e BE-s\u00eb.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kosova ka mbetur prapa n\u00eb procesin e integrimit n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian (BE) krahasuar me vendet e tjera t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor. N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, sfidat e Kosov\u00ebs nga aspekti i perspektiv\u00ebs s\u00eb saj evropiane mund t\u00eb kategorizohen n\u00eb tri fusha kryesore: t\u00eb brendshme, e cila p\u00ebrfshin sfida n\u00eb lidhje me krijimin e nj\u00eb ekonomie t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme q\u00eb siguron vende pune p\u00ebr t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb dhe q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb konkurroj\u00eb n\u00eb tregun e BE-s\u00eb; t\u00eb jashtme, m\u00eb sakt\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Serbin\u00eb dhe mosnjohja nga 5 vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb (Qiproja, Greqia, Rumania, Sllovakia dhe Spanja); dhe s\u00eb treti, zhvillimet e brendshme politike t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00eb pamund\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbatuar nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme dhe kohezive ndaj Kosov\u00ebs, si\u00e7 u d\u00ebshmua me rastin e liberalizimit t\u00eb vizave. Kosova aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi vend n\u00eb rajon, i cili akoma nuk ka parashtruar k\u00ebrkes\u00eb p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim dhe konsiderohet vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb vend i mundsh\u00ebm kandidat p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, BE-ja po zbaton nj\u00eb qasje mjaft t\u00eb kufizuar ndaj Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb 5 vendeve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb akoma nuk e kan\u00eb njohur Kosov\u00ebn. Deklarata e Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb vitin 2008 krijoi nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb re p\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb e detyruar t\u00eb zbuloj\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb re dhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuar n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb respektoj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamjet e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj dhe pik\u00ebpamjet e pes\u00eb vendeve an\u00ebtare q\u00eb nuk e kan\u00eb njohur Kosov\u00ebn. N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, ky ishte nj\u00eb nga faktor\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb q\u00eb deri m\u00eb tani ka pasur ndikim n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe BE-s\u00eb dhe perspektiv\u00ebn evropiane t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Marr\u00ebveshja e Stabilizim-Asocimit (MSA) si nj\u00eb ngjarje kryesore<\/strong><\/h5>\n

N\u00eb vitin 2016, Kosova hyri n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie kontraktuale me BE-n\u00eb duke n\u00ebnshkruar Marr\u00ebveshjen e Stabilizim-Asocimit. Kjo marr\u00ebveshje ndryshon nga marr\u00ebveshjet e tjera t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruara me vende t\u00eb tjera sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje me BE-n\u00eb – di\u00e7ka q\u00eb u b\u00eb e mundur me hyrjen n\u00eb fuqi t\u00eb Traktatit t\u00eb Lisbon\u00ebs. Marr\u00ebveshja gjithashtu parashikon: \u201eN\u00eb rast t\u00eb mosp\u00ebrputhjes nga Kosova me k\u00ebto angazhime, BE-ja mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb masa q\u00eb konsiderohen t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe pezullimin e t\u00ebr\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes ose nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb saj<\/a>\u201c, q\u00eb tregon qart\u00eb natyr\u00ebn asimetrike t\u00eb k\u00ebtij dokumenti midis pal\u00ebve n\u00ebnshkruese. N\u00eb \u00e7do rast, Marr\u00ebveshja e Stabilizim-Asocimit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb arritje e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e Kosov\u00ebs me BE-n\u00eb pasi b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb par\u00eb kontraktuale q\u00eb u festua si nj\u00eb ngjarje kryesore nga udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e institucioneve dhe, m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, u p\u00ebrsh\u00ebndet si “konfirmim i perspektiv\u00ebs evropiane t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs”.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohet n\u00eb zbatimin e Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Stabilizim-Asocimit, n\u00eb vitin 2016 Kosova dhe BE-ja arrit\u00ebn nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje mbi Agjend\u00ebn e Reform\u00ebs Evropiane (ERA). Ky dokument ishte bazuar n\u00eb prioritetet kryesore q\u00eb do t\u00eb implementohen nga institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ishin t\u00eb ndar\u00eb n\u00eb tri shtylla: pun\u00ebsimi dhe arsimi; qeverisja e mir\u00eb dhe sundimi i ligjit; dhe konkurrenca dhe klima e investimeve. Zbatimi i marr\u00ebveshjes ERA fillimisht ishte planifikuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonte n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2017, por kjo dat\u00eb u shty p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb zbatimit t\u00eb ngadalt\u00eb nga ana e institucioneve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Duhet gjithashtu t\u00eb theksohet se n\u00eb muajin maj t\u00eb vitit 2017, Kuvendi i Kosov\u00ebs votoi mosbesim Qeveris\u00eb, i cili gjithashtu ndikoi n\u00eb procesin e implementimit.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2020, u firmos dokumenti ERA II i cili duhej t\u00eb zbatohej p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb 2-vje\u00e7are (2020-2022) me shtyllat e m\u00ebposhtme: qeverisja e mir\u00eb dhe sundimi i ligjit, konkurrenca, investimet dhe zhvillimi i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm, pun\u00ebsimi, arsimi dhe sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsia . Dallimi kryesor midis k\u00ebtij dhe dokumentit t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb se ERA II nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb formuluar si nj\u00eb dialog i nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb politik t\u00eb prioriteteve kryesore midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Marr\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha, k\u00ebto dokumente i mund\u00ebsuan Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb zbatoj\u00eb reformat institucionale dhe t\u00eb harmonizoj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb legjislacionit t\u00eb saj me legjislacionin e Bashkimit Evropian, megjith\u00ebse ky proces ishte penguar dhe ngadal\u00ebsuar seriozisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebris\u00eb politike, munges\u00ebs s\u00eb konsensusit dhe zgjedhjeve t\u00eb shpeshta (n\u00eb muajin shkurt t\u00eb vitit 2021, qytetar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb tret\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje, q\u00eb nga viti 2017). P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, BE-ja ka arritur t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb forc\u00eb kryesore n\u00eb transformimin e Kosov\u00ebs, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzimit t\u00eb saj n\u00eb procesin e aderimit, por edhe p\u00ebr shkak se BE-ja edhe m\u00eb tej mbetet donatori m\u00eb i madh financiar.<\/p>\n

Dialogu politik dhe leht\u00ebsimi i dialogut midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb nga ana e Bashkimit Evropian<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, disa fusha t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit, t\u00eb tilla si dialogu politik, u lan\u00eb n\u00ebn hije. N\u00eb praktik\u00eb, pothuajse nuk ka asnj\u00eb komunikim nd\u00ebrmjet BE-s\u00eb dhe Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Brendshme dhe Diaspor\u00ebs (MPBD) s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb sfidave politike p\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb komunikim i till\u00eb do t\u00eb shkaktonte, duke pasur parasysh pozicionin e pes\u00eb vendeve an\u00ebtare q\u00eb nuk e njohin pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs dhe\u00a0nenit 2 t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Stabilizim-Asocimit<\/a>, q\u00eb parasheh se kushtet e Marr\u00ebveshjes nuk n\u00ebnkuptojn\u00eb njohjen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, as nga BE-ja dhe as individualisht nga vendet an\u00ebtare (p\u00ebr ato vende q\u00eb nuk e njohin pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb).<\/p>\n

\"NiBurimi: pexels.com<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, Marr\u00ebveshja e Stabilizim-Asocimit \u00ebsht\u00eb platforma e vetme p\u00ebr zhvillimin e dialogut politik nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe BE-s\u00eb. Sipas nenit 11.2 t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes, BE-ja dhe Kosova bien dakord t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, e cila madje duhet t’i mund\u00ebsoj\u00eb BE-s\u00eb t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb \u201epjes\u00ebmarrjen e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb demokratike nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00ebse k\u00ebt\u00eb e lejojn\u00eb rrethanat objektive\u201c.\u00a0<\/a>Sidoqoft\u00eb, kjo dispozit\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur deri m\u00eb tani, kryesisht sepse nuk ka pasur asnj\u00eb iniciativ\u00eb nga ana e BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitet e fundit, komunikimi midis BE-s\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb dominuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme nga dialogu midis Prishtin\u00ebs (Kosov\u00eb) dhe Beogradit (Serbi), i cili leht\u00ebsohet nga BE-ja. Ky proces vazhdoi edhe n\u00eb vitin 2020 dhe deri m\u00eb tani jan\u00eb zhvilluar disa takime me nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimin e P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit Special t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje, Mirosllav Llaj\u00e7ak.\u00a0Strategjia e zgjerimit e BE-s\u00eb e miratuar nga Komisioni Evropian n\u00eb vitin 2018<\/a>\u00a0parashikon gjithashtu nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje ligj\u00ebrisht t\u00eb detyrueshme midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb dhe pranimin e t\u00eb dy vendeve n\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, dialogu, i cili filloi n\u00eb vitin 2011, deri m\u00eb tani ka provuar se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje e thjesht\u00eb diplomatike e Bashkimit Evropian. Nj\u00eb nga sfidat kryesore k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb dallimi i madh i pritjeve p\u00ebr rezultatet e k\u00ebtij dialogu midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa q\u00ebllimi p\u00ebrfundimtar i Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb njohja e nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb (reciproke), k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje nuk e mb\u00ebshtesin institucionet n\u00eb Serbi. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ajo u p\u00ebrpoq t\u00eb ndiqte nj\u00eb vij\u00eb t\u00eb holl\u00eb duke aplikuar paqart\u00ebsi konstruktive n\u00eb tekstet e marr\u00ebveshjeve, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dokumentet thelb\u00ebsore n\u00eb lidhje me komunat me shumic\u00eb serbe t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruara n\u00eb vitin\u00a02013<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a02015<\/a>.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb tej, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr faktit se \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb progres, implementimi i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb arritura brenda dialogut n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn nga\u00a0viti 2011 nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i k\u00ebnaqsh\u00ebm, sepse 20% e marr\u00ebveshjeve jan\u00eb zbatuar n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ose pjes\u00ebrisht dhe 20% t\u00eb tjera nuk jan\u00eb zbatuar fare.<\/a>\u00a0N\u00eb vitin 2018, pasi nuk u b\u00eb asnj\u00eb p\u00ebrparim thelb\u00ebsor dhe pati diskutime t\u00eb pretenduara mbi shk\u00ebmbimin e territoreve, dialogu i sponsorizuar nga BE-ja praktikisht u gjend n\u00eb rrug\u00eb qorre dhe si rezultat i k\u00ebsaj u anuluan t\u00eb gjitha takimet, gj\u00eb q\u00eb i dha nj\u00eb goditje t\u00eb madhe procesit. Duke marr\u00eb n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, megjith\u00ebse dialogu \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb tem\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb komunikimin midis BE-s\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs, duhet theksuar gjithashtu se, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikueshm\u00ebris\u00eb t\u00eb tij, ky proces ka \u00e7uar n\u00eb sfida serioze p\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb dhe P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesin e Lart\u00eb t\u00eb Bashkimit p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme dhe t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Politika e zgjerimit e BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb turbullir\u00eb<\/strong><\/h5>\n

N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se q\u00eb nga viti 2016, kur hyri n\u00eb fuqi Marr\u00ebveshja e Stabilizim-Asocimit, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb asnj\u00eb hap i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb lidhje me integrimin evropian t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi vend n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor q\u00eb nuk ka liberalizim vizash me BE-n\u00eb, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs mbeten edhe m\u00eb tej t\u00eb izoluar. Megjith\u00ebse Komisioni Evropian rekomandoi liberalizimin e vizave n\u00eb vitin\u00a02016<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a02018<\/a>\u00a0dhe konfirmoi q\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur t\u00eb gjitha pikat e udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyesit, vendimi pozitiv i shum\u00ebpritur nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb miratuar akoma nga ana e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs. Disa vende an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb e kan\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar k\u00ebt\u00eb vendim pozitiv, p\u00ebr shkak se Kosova nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrparim t\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb sundimin e ligjit dhe luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr korrupsionit. P\u00ebrkundrazi, nj\u00eb studim i fundit zbuloi se rreth\u00a064 % e qytetar\u00ebve<\/a>\u00a0besojn\u00eb se arsyet kryesore p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb jan\u00eb paragjykimi dhe diskriminimi nga vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kishte shpres\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb q\u00eb ky proces t\u00eb vazhdonte gjat\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs gjermane t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit, e cila p\u00ebrfundoi s\u00eb fundmi, por m\u00eb kot – vendimi u shty p\u00ebrs\u00ebri. P\u00ebr shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, shtyrja e vendimit p\u00ebr liberalizimin e vizave \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shenj\u00eb e munges\u00ebs s\u00eb mekanizmave n\u00eb nivelin e BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyer bllokadat e vendosura nga disa vende an\u00ebtare, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb kuptim mungesa e progresit buron kryesisht nga kapaciteti i kufizuar i BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur nj\u00eb politik\u00eb kohezive t\u00eb zgjerimit n\u00eb rajon. P\u00ebr t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyer k\u00ebto pengesa q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga pozicioni individual i disa vendeve an\u00ebtare, BE-ja duhet t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb fort\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb zgjerimit q\u00eb do t\u00eb parandalonte politizimin e aspekteve teknike.<\/p>\n

Dihet q\u00eb vendet n\u00eb rajon, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe Kosov\u00ebn, duhet t\u00eb zbatojn\u00eb reforma t\u00eb m\u00ebdha institucionale dhe ligjore n\u00eb nj\u00eb gam\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb fushash. K\u00ebto reforma jan\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e strukturave t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme demokratike dhe forcimin e performanc\u00ebs s\u00eb institucioneve, t\u00eb cilat duhet t\u00eb mund\u00ebsojn\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e standardit t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs s\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, n\u00ebse e shohim fotografin\u00eb e madhe, d\u00ebshtimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb miratuar vendimin mbi liberalizimin e vizave p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn ka karakteristika t\u00eb ngjashme me\u00a0dokumentin \u201cnon-paper\u201d francez mbi politik\u00ebn e zgjerimit n\u00eb vitin 2019<\/a>, shtyrjen e bisedimeve t\u00eb pranimit me Republik\u00ebn e Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut pas n\u00ebnshkrimit t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Presp\u00ebs dhe vetos s\u00eb fundit nga Bullgaria. Shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz jan\u00eb t\u00eb bindur se ky zhvillim i ngjarjeve \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu nj\u00eb sinjal q\u00eb politika e zgjerimit po ec\u00ebn me nj\u00eb rit\u00ebm t\u00eb saj dhe se n\u00ebse vendimet mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb politik\u00eb lejohen t\u00eb merren n\u00eb interes t\u00eb vendeve an\u00ebtare individuale, an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb BE p\u00ebr vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor do t\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb e larg\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, q\u00ebndrimi i qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb raport me BE-n\u00eb mbetet edhe m\u00eb tej shum\u00eb pozitiv.\u00a0Nj\u00eb anket\u00eb e fundit<\/a>\u00a0tregon se 35% e qytetar\u00ebve besojn\u00eb se Kosova do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet an\u00ebtare e BE-s\u00eb deri n\u00eb vitin 2025 (disi joreale), nd\u00ebrsa 9% u p\u00ebrgjigj\u00ebn se Kosova nuk do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet kurr\u00eb an\u00ebtare e BE-s\u00eb. Ne mund t\u00eb pyesim se si do t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb k\u00ebto shifra n\u00ebse qytetar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetojn\u00eb mosmiratimin e vendimit p\u00ebr liberalizimin e vizave dhe n\u00ebse nuk ka progres n\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb BE n\u00eb vitet e ardhshme, dhe mbi t\u00eb gjitha cilat do t\u00eb ishin pasojat p\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb si nj\u00eb forc\u00eb reformuese p\u00ebr institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs. Nga nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb m\u00eb e gjer\u00eb, mund t\u00eb shihet gjithashtu se qasja letargjike ndaj zgjerimit ndaj vendeve t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor do t\u00eb kishte pasoja negative p\u00ebr besueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb dhe rolin e saj gjeopolitik n\u00eb rajon n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ky blog \u00ebsht\u00eb publikuar n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb iniciativ\u00ebs \u201eTales from the Region\u201d<\/strong><\/a>\u201c q\u00eb e zbaton Res publica n\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim me\u00a0HAD<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0(Slloveni),\u00a0Analiziraj.ba<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0(BH),\u00a0Sbunker<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0(Kosov\u00eb)\u00a0Ne davimo Beograd<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0(Serbi),\u00a0Makropolis<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0(Greqi)\u00a0PCNEN),<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0(Mali i Zi) dhe\u00a0Lupiga<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0(Kroaci).<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Zhvillimet e brendshme politike t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb kan\u00eb \u00e7uar n\u00eb paaft\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbatuar nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme dhe kohezive ndaj Kosov\u00ebs, si\u00e7 u d\u00ebshmua n\u00eb rastin e liberalizimit t\u00eb vizave. Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi vend n\u00eb rajon q\u00eb konsiderohet vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb kandidat i mundsh\u00ebm nga ana e BE-s\u00eb. Kosova ka mbetur prapa n\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":68,"featured_media":7610,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1151,1095],"ppma_author":[77],"class_list":["post-7621","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-1151","tag-histori-nga-rajoni"],"authors":[{"term_id":77,"user_id":68,"is_guest":0,"slug":"butrint-berisha","display_name":"Butrint Berisha","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-7-3.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-7-3.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Berisha","first_name":"Butrint","description":"Butrint Berisha ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet BA p\u00ebr Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs dhe studimet MA n\u00eb Universitetin e Stokholmit, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb nj\u00eb semest\u00ebr shk\u00ebmbimi n\u00eb Universitetin e Strathclyde, n\u00eb Skoci. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i angazhuar n\u00eb Institutin e Pristin\u00ebs p\u00ebr Studime Politike (PIPS). Fokusi i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb politika nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7621","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/68"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7621"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7621\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7622,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7621\/revisions\/7622"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7610"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7621"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7621"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7621"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=7621"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}