{"id":7850,"date":"2017-03-10T12:01:30","date_gmt":"2017-03-10T10:01:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=7850"},"modified":"2024-09-23T13:27:42","modified_gmt":"2024-09-23T11:27:42","slug":"grua-majtas","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/grua-majtas\/","title":{"rendered":"Grua, Majtas"},"content":{"rendered":"

P\u00ebr m\u00eb se tre \u00e7erek shekulli, politika ka mb\u00ebshtetur pabarazin\u00eb sociale brenda s\u00eb ciles gruaja \u00ebsht\u00eb viktim\u00eb par\u00ebsore. Kjo gjendje mund t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm me mobilizim politik.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nga perspektiva e shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies dhe barazis\u00eb sociale, gruaja kosovare mbetet strukturalisht n\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb pafavorshme. Kushtet kufizuese, s\u00eb pari, krijohen nga mungesa e institucioneve direkte q\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse do ta forconin pozit\u00ebn materiale t\u00eb gruas. Dhe, s\u00eb dyti, vet\u00eb fakti q\u00eb pabarazia shoq\u00ebrore mbizot\u00ebron n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, nuk i ndihmon kauz\u00ebs s\u00eb barazis\u00eb gjinore.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb definimin m\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb, shteti i mir\u00ebqenies p\u00ebrfshin politikat e rregullimit t\u00eb pun\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb rishp\u00ebrndarjes. Shtetet m\u00eb t\u00eb suksesshme t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies, matur me nivelin e barazis\u00eb sociale, ndjekin politika t\u00eb pun\u00ebsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb dhe rishp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb lart\u00eb – duke i nd\u00ebrlidhur ato n\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb gjer\u00eb – q\u00eb t\u2019i kontribuojn\u00eb ndarjes s\u00eb rreziqeve dhe t\u00eb drejtave.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, dhe sidomos me fillimin e periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb vet\u00ebqeverisjes socialiste (1952), n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ishte instaluar qasja Bismarck-iane si n\u00eb gjith\u00eb Jugosllavin\u00eb, duke e mb\u00ebrritur shkall\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillimit n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e hershme t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb. Kjo lloj qasjeje nd\u00ebrlidhte pun\u00ebn dhe rishp\u00ebrndarjen (taksat dhe transferet) n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb, duke u dh\u00ebn\u00eb rol kryesor nd\u00ebrmarrjeve, pun\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsve dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve; transferet p\u00ebr varf\u00ebrin\u00eb ose nd\u00ebrhyrja e shtetit kufizohej vet\u00ebm n\u00eb raste t\u00eb \u201cd\u00ebshtimeve sociale\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

D\u00ebshtimi m\u00eb i madh i socializmit vet\u00ebqeveris\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ishte shkalla e pun\u00ebs. Asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk arriti t\u00eb krijonte m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 23% pun\u00ebsim brenda popullat\u00ebs n\u00eb mosh\u00eb pune. Si pasoj\u00eb, nga nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb synonte t\u2019i jepte fund dallimit klasor, socializmi vet\u00ebqeveris\u00ebs krijoi dallime midis t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuarve n\u00eb industri dhe burokraci (q\u00eb me kalimin e koh\u00ebs u b\u00eb nj\u00eb shtres\u00eb m\u00eb urbane), dhe t\u00eb papun\u00ebsuarve e shtresave q\u00eb jetonin kryesisht nga bujq\u00ebsia dhe remitancat (kryesisht rurale). P\u00ebrfshirja e t\u00ebr\u00ebsishme maksimale e gruas n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shkall\u00eb pun\u00ebsimi ishte 21%.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrve\u00e7 dallimeve inherente etnike, duke qen\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura n\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb me pun\u00ebsimin, politikat sociale rishp\u00ebrndanin kryesisht tek nj\u00ebra klas\u00eb: pensionet nuk mbulonin m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 12% t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs mbi 65 vje\u00e7, shtesat e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve jo m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 37% t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebve, dhe sigurimi sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor jo m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 57% t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs (k\u00ebtu shifra m\u00eb e lart\u00eb vjen nga madh\u00ebsia e familjeve kosovare). N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, transferet sociale q\u00eb nuk nd\u00ebrlidheshin me pun\u00eb nuk mbulonin m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 3% t\u00eb kosovar\u00ebve.<\/span><\/p>\n

Modeli i socializmit vet\u00ebqeveris\u00ebs i ka pasur an\u00ebt e veta t\u00eb mira – si\u00e7 kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurat e larta t\u00eb pensionist\u00ebve dhe shtesat e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve q\u00eb kan\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb lloj solidariteti brenda klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore, por n\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm dallimet n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura nga puna shkaku i statusit (57%) dhe dallimet e p\u00ebrgjithshme n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura t\u00eb disponueshme t\u00eb familjeve (38%), kan\u00eb qen\u00eb deri n\u00eb nj\u00ebzet pik\u00eb p\u00ebrqindjeje m\u00eb t\u00eb larta se mesatarja jugosllave. T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e pabarazis\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 1978, p\u00ebrpara fillimit t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs ekonomike m\u00eb 1980, prej s\u00eb cil\u00ebs koh\u00eb gjendja ekonomike vet\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb keq\u00ebsuar.<\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, ndon\u00ebse gjendja arsimore e p\u00ebrgjithshme u rrit, gruaja fitoi pak nga vet\u00ebqeverisja socialiste kryesisht shkaku i struktur\u00ebs s\u00eb pun\u00ebsimit. N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, gjithashtu, ka nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhje evidente mes dallimit klasor n\u00eb socializ\u00ebm dhe koncentrimit territorial t\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (1998-99).<\/span><\/p>\n

Pas luft\u00ebs, administrata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e UNMIK-ut ndoqi politik\u00ebn e privatizimit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrjeve shoq\u00ebrore, fleksibilitetit n\u00eb pun\u00eb dhe rishp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb kufizuar. I dizajnuar nga Banka Bot\u00ebrore, shteti i mir\u00ebqenies u organizua n\u00eb at\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuarit ta gjejn\u00eb veten n\u00eb treg, kurse qeveria t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb duke dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb (pra, edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb papun\u00ebt) nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhur baz\u00eb n\u00eb mosh\u00eb pensioni dhe, var\u00ebsisht prej vler\u00ebsimit t\u00eb saj, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb edhe me ndihm\u00ebn e varf\u00ebris\u00eb ndaj atyre q\u00eb s\u2019mund t\u2019ia dalin n\u00eb treg.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndon\u00ebse t\u00eb ardhurat u shp\u00ebrndan\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb se n\u00eb socializ\u00ebm sa i p\u00ebrket mbulimit t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb territorit, politika e re mbeti problematike p\u00ebr gruan n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti dhe shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi.<\/span><\/p>\n

Po b\u00ebhen gati dy dekada q\u00eb kur besimi se tregu do t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb vet\u00eb vende pune pa qasje pro-aktive t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb jep rezultate t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta: shkalla e pun\u00ebsimit t\u00eb kosovar\u00ebve n\u00eb mosh\u00eb pune mbetet e ul\u00ebt dhe nuk ka kaluar 25.1% (2015). P\u00ebr dallim prej socializmit, pun\u00ebsimi nuk krijon asnj\u00eb lloj solidariteti mes pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve (n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura) dhe mes pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve e pjes\u00ebs s\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb pa pun\u00eb sa i p\u00ebrket pensioneve (transfere: kursimet jan\u00eb individuale). Prej gjith\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuarve t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 70% jan\u00eb prap\u00eb meshkuj. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se dallimet e sotme materiale do t\u00eb barten n\u00eb mosh\u00ebn e pensionit.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr ndryshim prej socializmit, puna \u00ebsht\u00eb e mbrojtur minimalisht, nd\u00ebrsa gruaja nuk ndihmohet (duke e liruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb indirekte) as me skem\u00ebn e transfereve dhe kujdesit p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt. Ndon\u00ebse prej vitit 2006 ekziston skema e mbrojtjes s\u00eb lehonis\u00eb p\u00ebr grat\u00eb e pun\u00ebsuara, trajtimi i pabarabart\u00eb eksplicit institucional i grave n\u00eb p\u00ebrkujdesje t\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebve, mungesa e madhe e solidaritetit mes pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve dhe struktura e trash\u00ebguar historike e pun\u00ebsimit, e b\u00ebn pozit\u00ebn e gruas t\u00eb pafavorshme si gjendje materiale dhe parimore.<\/span><\/p>\n

Gruaja nuk ndihmohet as nga pabarazia n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. I vetmi lloj solidariteti prej atyre q\u00eb marrin paga me t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt vjen prej taks\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura personale. Por, shpenzimi social i Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi m\u00eb i vogli n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, me diku 5.5% t\u00eb GDP-s\u00eb n\u00eb pagesa q\u00eb nuk vijn\u00eb nga kursimet personale. Ndon\u00ebse rreth 20% e popullat\u00ebs merr transfere minimale sociale, mbi 70% e t\u00eb varf\u00ebrve nuk mbulohen nga ndihma sociale. Shpenzimi i vog\u00ebl \u00ebsht\u00eb i programuar t\u00eb rezultoj\u00eb i k\u00ebtill\u00eb me politikat sociale, nd\u00ebrsa mbulimi i kufizuar i varf\u00ebris\u00eb vjen edhe prej programimit edhe prej cil\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb qeverisjes. Duke financuar pothuajse gjith\u00e7ka prej taks\u00ebs n\u00eb konsum dhe pagesave direkte (n\u00eb sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsi), ka edhe elemente t\u00eb rishp\u00ebrndarjes perverse (prej t\u00eb varf\u00ebrve kah t\u00eb gjith\u00eb).<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitet e fundit, modifikimet n\u00eb institucionet p\u00ebr ish-pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt kontributdh\u00ebn\u00ebs n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e socializmit, kategorit\u00eb e luft\u00ebs (sidomos veteran\u00ebt) dhe ish t\u00eb p\u00ebrndjekurit politik\u00eb – p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb strukturore dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs si jan\u00eb instaluar – shkojn\u00eb s\u00ebrish kund\u00ebr balanc\u00ebs gjinore n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura, barazis\u00eb etnike dhe shoq\u00ebrore. Zbritja e progresivitetit n\u00eb taksat e t\u00eb ardhurave personale gjithashtu shkon kund\u00ebr solidaritetit.<\/span><\/p>\n

M\u00eb 2014, pabarazia e p\u00ebrgjithshme n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb arriti 43.7%. Edhe dallimet nd\u00ebrmjet viseve rurale dhe urbane filluan t\u00eb kthehen, me thellim t\u00eb varf\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb zona larg qyteteve. Gjithashtu, koncentrimi i t\u00eb ardhurave n\u00eb 20 P\u00ebrqind\u00ebshin (klas\u00ebn) m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur duke kaluar 50% t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb ardhurave.<\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto disproporcionalitete dhe mungesa solidariteti, nd\u00ebrlidhen dhe ridefinojn\u00eb t\u00eb konceptuarit e n\u00ebnshtet\u00ebsis\u00eb (ose qytetaris\u00eb). Gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb ato nuk jan\u00eb duke krijuar ndarje t\u00eb rreziqeve dhe t\u00eb drejtave sociale, por dallime gjinore, rajonale, etnike dhe t\u00eb meritave – q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha n\u00eb thelb dallime klasore materiale prodhuar prej pushtetit politik. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb hegjemoni disproporcionalitetesh, pabarazia ndaj gruas tentohet t\u00eb legjitimohet.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tre\u00e7erek shekulli na ka m\u00ebsuar se dallimet e m\u00ebdha me koh\u00eb sfidojn\u00eb bashk\u00ebjetes\u00ebn, autoritetin e rendit publik dhe vet\u00eb njer\u00ebzin\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse k\u00ebrkohet nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri e barabart\u00eb, me t\u00eb drejta ekuivalente sociale, k\u00ebto politika duhet t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb: duke krijuar institucione q\u00eb forcojn\u00eb direkt pozit\u00ebn e gruas (barazia n\u00eb pun\u00ebsim dhe t\u00eb ardhura), n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb indirekte (kujdesi ndaj f\u00ebmij\u00ebve dhe arsimi), dhe politika q\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahin shtimin e pun\u00ebs, barazin\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithshme dhe t\u00eb konceptuarit e n\u00ebnshtet\u00ebsis\u00eb si model jetese dhe t\u00eb drejtash ekuivalente.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Tre\u00e7erek\u00eb shekulli na ka m\u00ebsuar se p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb duhet vet\u00ebm mobilizim politik.<\/span>
\n<\/span>Prandaj, grua, rruga jon\u00eb drejt 8 Mars\u00ebve tjer\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb: majtas. <\/span>
\n<\/span>Sjellshin sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb pushtet politik.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

_____________<\/span><\/p>\n

Sh\u00ebnim: <\/span>Artikulli \u00ebsht\u00eb botuar fillimisht n\u00eb \u201cKoha p\u00ebr grat\u00eb\u201d \/ Qendra Kosovare p\u00ebr Studime Gjinore, m\u00eb 8 mars 2017. Kalkulimet e mbulueshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb transfereve sociale dhe pabarazis\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit dhe bazohen mbi t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat burimore t\u00eb Agjencis\u00eb (Entit) s\u00eb Statistikave t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Bllogu mb\u00ebshtetet nga Friedrich-Ebert-Stifftung, zyra n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Mendimet e shprehura n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bllog nuk paraqesin medoemos besimet e Friedrich-Ebert-Stifftung.<\/span><\/i><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

P\u00ebr m\u00eb se tre \u00e7erek shekulli, politika ka mb\u00ebshtetur pabarazin\u00eb sociale brenda s\u00eb ciles gruaja \u00ebsht\u00eb viktim\u00eb par\u00ebsore. Kjo gjendje mund t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm me mobilizim politik. Nga perspektiva e shtetit t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies dhe barazis\u00eb sociale, gruaja kosovare mbetet strukturalisht n\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb pafavorshme. Kushtet kufizuese, s\u00eb pari, krijohen nga mungesa e institucioneve direkte q\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":403,"featured_media":7815,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1199],"ppma_author":[689],"class_list":["post-7850","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-destrata"],"authors":[{"term_id":689,"user_id":403,"is_guest":0,"slug":"artan-mustafa","display_name":"Artan Mustafa","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/artan.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/artan.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Mustafa","first_name":"Artan","description":"Artan Mustafa \u00ebsht\u00eb hulumtues dhe ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs sociale. Ka studiuar shkenc\u00eb politike dhe zhvillim t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm n\u00eb Universitetin e Vjen\u00ebs, Universitetin Uppsala dhe Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs, si dhe ka pasur q\u00ebndrime n\u00eb Universitetin e Missouri-t, t\u00eb Tokios dhe t\u00eb Oslos. Ka punuar n\u00eb gazetari q\u00eb nga viti 2001 dhe ka qen\u00eb kryeredaktor i Gazet\u00ebs Jeta n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (2011-2013)."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7850","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/403"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7850"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7850\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7851,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7850\/revisions\/7851"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7815"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7850"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7850"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7850"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=7850"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}