{"id":8044,"date":"2021-12-03T11:02:15","date_gmt":"2021-12-03T09:02:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=8044"},"modified":"2024-10-08T11:08:33","modified_gmt":"2024-10-08T09:08:33","slug":"kthesa-kah-universaliteti","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/kthesa-kah-universaliteti\/","title":{"rendered":"Kthesa Kah Universaliteti"},"content":{"rendered":"

Disa vendime t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb plurale t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb shenja t\u00eb kthes\u00ebs s\u00eb nevojshme prej targetimit dhe partikularizmit kah universaliteti n\u00eb politika publike. Mir\u00ebpo n\u00ebse kjo shumic\u00eb synon t\u00eb l\u00eb gjurm\u00eb social-demokrate n\u00eb politikat publike dhe demokratizimin e vendit, duhet sa m\u00eb shpejt dhe pa luhatje t\u00eb l\u00ebviz\u00eb drejt \u201cU\u201d-s\u00eb s\u00eb plot\u00eb – p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb duke negociuar me sukses me akter\u00ebt global\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

M\u00eb 26 tetor 2021, Qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs <\/span>n\u00ebnshkroi marr\u00ebveshje<\/span><\/a> me Bank\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore p\u00ebr \u201cta p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar targetimin\u201d n\u00eb Skem\u00ebn e Ndihm\u00ebs Sociale, q\u00eb vendit i kushtoi 47 milion\u00eb euro huazim aq sa i kushton t\u2019i finacoj\u00eb transferet p\u00ebrmes k\u00ebsaj skeme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vit e gjysm\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

In a recent <\/span>studim t\u00eb m\u00ebhersh\u00ebm<\/span><\/a>, Banka Bot\u00ebrore ve\u00e7 ka ndar\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje dhe udh\u00ebzime se si do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ndryshohej kjo skem\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat qen\u00eb reflektuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb <\/span>koncept-dokument<\/span><\/a> reformash t\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Pun\u00ebs dhe Mir\u00ebqenies Sociale. Udh\u00ebzimet e bank\u00ebs do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsonin aspekte t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb skem\u00ebs, si duke m\u00ebnjanuar kriteret q\u00eb kualifikojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm kategori specifike (familje me an\u00ebtar\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb varur, ose n\u00ebna t\u00eb pamartuara dhe t\u00eb papuna me s\u00eb paku nj\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00eb n\u00ebn mosh\u00ebn pes\u00eb vje\u00e7), ashtu dhe duke zbutur penalizimin e t\u00eb ardhurave tjera t\u00eb ndonj\u00ebrit prej an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb familjes (nga transferet tjera sociale ose edhe puna). Ndryshimet e k\u00ebtilla do ta p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsonin n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti mbulueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb varf\u00ebr me ndihm\u00eb sociale.<\/span><\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi do t\u00eb ishte m\u00eb i madh n\u00eb raport me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn e skem\u00ebs, q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb tejet shtr\u00ebnguese dhe q\u00eb ka \u00e7uar n\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtimin e mij\u00ebra familjeve nga benefitet vitet e kaluara, sesa n\u00eb krahasim me gjenerozitetin e shum\u00eb programeve t\u00eb ngjashme n\u00eb Europ\u00eb. P\u00ebr shembull, me ato udh\u00ebzime dhe me koncept-dokumentin e Qeveris\u00eb nuk do ndryshohej procesi dhe m\u00ebnyra se si p\u00ebrcaktohen shumat e benefiteve, q\u00eb jan\u00eb tregues t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr qasjen e shtetit n\u00eb lidhje me mbrojtjen nga varf\u00ebria. Banka dhe organizatat tjera partnere t\u00eb saj, as me ato udh\u00ebzime dhe as me recetat e m\u00ebvonshme, nuk do t\u00eb l\u00ebvizin ndjesh\u00ebm nga paradigma q\u00eb p\u00ebrqafojn\u00eb \u2013 ajo e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb orientuar kah targetimi i varf\u00ebris\u00eb dhe stabilitetit t\u00eb buxhetit komb\u00ebtar n\u00eb shproporcion me funksionet tjera t\u00eb cilave politika sociale mund t\u2019u sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb: kontributi n\u00eb pun\u00ebsim, investim social, solidaritet, barazi shoq\u00ebrore, etj.<\/span><\/p>\n

Duke u nisur nga ajo paradigm\u00eb, Banka Bot\u00ebrore ka luajtur rol par\u00ebsor n\u00eb dizajnimin e gjith\u00eb politik\u00ebs sociale t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs – gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb administrimit nga UNMIK-u dhe n\u00eb bashk\u00ebveprim me Fondin Monetar Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, Bashkimin Europian dhe organizata tjera t\u00eb fuqishme (nd\u00ebr)komb\u00ebtare – e cila ka vendosur nj\u00eb prag t\u00eb ul\u00ebt t\u00eb mbrojtjes nga varf\u00ebria nd\u00ebrsa pret q\u00eb shumica e mir\u00ebqenies dhe sh\u00ebrbimeve t\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga tregu ose familja.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo politik\u00eb sociale, mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn agjencia vend\u00ebse ka shtuar kryesisht p\u00ebrmes programeve partikulariste pas pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, e ka p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar mbrojtjen nga varf\u00ebria n\u00eb krahasim me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, mir\u00ebpo n\u00eb kontekstin e vendit nuk i ka kontribuar sa mundet rritjes s\u00eb shkall\u00ebs s\u00eb pun\u00ebsimit (<\/span>aktualisht n\u00ebn 30%; n\u00ebn 16% p\u00ebr grat\u00eb<\/span><\/a>), zhvillimit p\u00ebrmes investimit social (duke e kornizuar politik\u00ebn sociale m\u00eb shum\u00eb si barr\u00eb ekonomike), solidaritetit dhe barazis\u00eb sociale (me indeksin <\/span>Gini t\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb<\/span><\/a> n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura q\u00eb sh\u00ebnonte 44.2% m\u00eb 2018), dhe k\u00ebshtu nuk i ka kontribuar konsolidimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb n\u00ebnshtet\u00ebsie (citizenship) e cila do t\u2019i b\u00ebnte konkurrenc\u00eb zgjedhjes p\u00ebr t\u00eb emigruar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edhe pse shumica e shteteve kan\u00eb nj\u00eb program t\u00eb targetuar t\u00eb Ndihm\u00ebs Sociale, politika \u201ce targetimit\u201d t\u00eb varf\u00ebris\u00eb si parim dominues n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb e politik\u00ebs sociale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb qasja m\u00eb e favorizuar nga partit\u00eb social-demokrate. Fatmir\u00ebsisht, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as qasja m\u00eb e favorizuar e L\u00ebvizjes Vet\u00ebvendosje, si\u00e7 tregojn\u00eb politikat q\u00eb ka lansuar m\u00eb 2021 si benefiti universal p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt dhe universalizimi i benefitit t\u00eb pushimit maternal. \u00cbsht\u00eb gjithashtu e pritshme dhe e kuptueshme q\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb dhe kontinent t\u00eb nd\u00ebrvarur, Qeveria t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunoj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb ndikohet nga akter\u00ebt global\u00eb dhe t\u00eb kufizohet nga rrethanat strukturore. Por p\u00ebr shkak se Kosova krijoi p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb shumic\u00eb parlamentare t\u00eb majt\u00eb me zgjedhjet e 14 shkurtit 2021 si dhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb emrit e diskursit t\u00eb LVV-s\u00eb, pritet q\u00eb niveli i vet\u00ebvendosjes n\u00eb vendimarrje politikash t\u00eb rritet, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb duke menduar m\u00eb shum\u00eb vet\u00eb (lokalisht) p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuarit dhe mbrojtjen nga varf\u00ebria brenda nj\u00eb qasje m\u00eb komplekse si dhe duke e negociuar at\u00eb kuptim me sukses me partner\u00ebt e saj global\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky blog argumenton se kthesa e mir\u00ebseardhur kah universaliteti duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet norma e qasjes s\u00eb LVV-s\u00eb ndaj politik\u00ebs sociale me q\u00ebllim konsolidimin e n\u00ebnshtet\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe mb\u00ebshtetjen e ambicieve zhvillimore t\u00eb vendit. N\u00eb blog jepen disa propozime t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb q\u00ebllim t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb si provokim modest n\u00eb diskutimet p\u00ebr politikat publike gjersa agjencia vendimarr\u00ebse b\u00ebn zgjedhjet e saj. Mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb mbase edhe si nj\u00eb mjet analitik p\u00ebr t\u2019i krahasur reformat jo vet\u00ebm me politikat q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb, por edhe me politikat q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin n\u00eb kontekstin e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pag\u00eb universale baz\u00eb n\u00eb vend t\u00eb targetimit<\/b><\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend t\u00eb \u201cp\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimit t\u00eb targetimit\u201d t\u00eb varf\u00ebris\u00eb, n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet e saj reformuese LVV mund ta konsideroj\u00eb lansimin e Pag\u00ebs Universale Baz\u00eb (Universal Basic Income, UBI) q\u00eb do t\u00eb jepej p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. Konkretisht kjo pag\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte, t\u00eb themi, vazhdimin e pages\u00ebs baz\u00eb prej 95 Eurosh p\u00ebr t\u00eb moshuarit mbi mosh\u00ebn 65 vje\u00e7 dhe t\u00eb jepte nj\u00eb pages\u00eb prej 50 Eurosh p\u00ebr secilin qytetar tjet\u00ebr, financuar nga taksat e p\u00ebrgjithshme. Pagesa p\u00ebr t\u00eb vjetrit nuk do t\u00eb rritej m\u00eb deri kur paga p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, gradualisht, t\u00eb arrinte shum\u00ebn e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb; m\u00eb pas, paga universale do t\u00eb rritej sipas trendeve n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura duke e nd\u00ebrlidhur me k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit. Me t\u00eb, sot secila familje mesatare (pesan\u00ebtar\u00ebshe) do t\u00eb kishte s\u00eb paku 250 Euro t\u00eb ardhura baz\u00eb n\u00eb muaj, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pak mbi 60% e median\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurave t\u00eb disponueshme (t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e 2018), pra mbi pragun e rrezikut p\u00ebr varf\u00ebri n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edhe pse flitet shum\u00eb p\u00ebr Pag\u00ebn Universale Baz\u00eb, deri m\u00eb sot shumica e shteteve ose rajoneve brenda tyre nuk e kan\u00eb lansuar at\u00eb. Kritik\u00ebt e saj, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb kontekstet e politik\u00ebs sociale m\u00eb ambicioze (shih <\/span>k\u00ebt\u00eb blog<\/span><\/a> p\u00ebr ilustrim), i druhen pasojave t\u00eb mundshme q\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e till\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera duke dekurajuar pun\u00ebsimin dhe duke ulur taksat e mbledhura p\u00ebr investime n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbime publike. Edhe fakti q\u00eb n\u00eb disa nga k\u00ebto vende politika aktuale arrin barazi dhe universalitet t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebrmes metodave tjera nuk favorizon pag\u00ebn universale baz\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, ky mjet m\u00eb radikal mund t\u2019i p\u00ebrshtatet kontesktit dhe mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn pik\u00ebrisht se \u00ebsht\u00eb e varf\u00ebr, e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar nga emigracioni i lart\u00eb, se ka kaq shkall\u00eb pun\u00ebsimi t\u00eb ul\u00ebt, dhe kaq shum\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb politik\u00eb tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00eb zhvillimin e saj.<\/span><\/p>\n

E dizajnuar si m\u00eb lart\u00eb, p\u00ebr fillim, Kosov\u00ebs kjo skem\u00eb do t\u2019i kushtonte rreth 1.18 miliard\u00eb Euro n\u00eb vit, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pak mbi dyfishin e shpenzimit t\u00eb sot\u00ebm social (duke mos llogaritur shtesat dhe shpenzimet ad-hoc si reagim ndaj pandemis\u00eb Covid-19).<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebmbim, Kosova do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb anulonte t\u00eb gjitha skemat tjera t\u00eb financuara nga shteti. Qeveria duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb di\u00e7ka p\u00ebr ta ndaluar rritjen e shpenzimit partikularist q\u00eb nuk i sh\u00ebrben as q\u00ebllimeve t\u00eb mbrojtes nga varf\u00ebria, as atyre t\u00eb investimit social, pun\u00ebsimit dhe barazis\u00eb. Por ndryshimi k\u00ebrkon ofrim t\u00eb zgjidhjeve racionale ekonomike p\u00ebr t\u2019u realizuar. Paga universale baz\u00eb ofron zgjidhje. Me t\u00eb, p\u00ebr shembull, nj\u00eb veteran i luft\u00ebs do t\u00eb kishte mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb fitonte m\u00eb shum\u00eb nga skema e re (kur t\u00eb merren parasysh t\u00eb ardhurat e familjes) sesa nga skema e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr veteran\u00ebt, prandaj ka mund\u00ebsi ta mb\u00ebshtet ndryshimin.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebsoj edhe familja e nj\u00eb arsimtari do t\u00eb fitonte m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa me shtesat pensionale p\u00ebr kontributin gjat\u00eb viteve \u201990-t\u00eb. N\u00eb proces, ndryshimi i t\u00ebr\u00ebsish\u00ebm do i sh\u00ebrbente rritjes s\u00eb perceptimit t\u00eb fershm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb politikave publike, pasi <\/span>programet universale<\/span><\/a> i kontribuojn\u00eb legjitimitetit t\u00eb tyre. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, evidenca empirike tregon se paga universale baz\u00eb mund t\u00eb rris\u00eb <\/span>mir\u00ebqenien dhe sh\u00ebndetin<\/span><\/a>, besimin nd\u00ebrnjer\u00ebzor e politik, mobilitetin social, etj. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb mund ta p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsoj\u00eb edhe diskursin dhe feedback-un e tij n\u00eb opinionet e publikut, ngase n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb mir\u00ebmbahej kritika p\u00ebr veteran\u00ebt ose arsimtar\u00ebt si grupe interesi grabitqare, etj., q\u00eb i kontribuon perceptimit negativ, do t\u00eb vihej n\u00eb pah kontributi i tyre n\u00eb l\u00ebvizjen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe respekti i merituar shoq\u00ebror p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb, pra do t\u00eb vler\u00ebsohej merita e pjes\u00ebmarrjes dhe veprimit.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrve\u00e7 pamund\u00ebsimit t\u00eb shtrimit t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm t\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb reja partikulariste, paga universale do ta inkurajonte edhe pun\u00ebsimin e daljen nga informaliteti. Vet\u00eb studimi i Bank\u00ebs Bot\u00ebrore tregon se nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e p\u00ebrfituesve t\u00eb Skem\u00ebs s\u00eb Ndihm\u00ebs Sociale punojn\u00eb n\u00eb informalitet pasi t\u00eb ardhurat nga skema nuk u mjaftojn\u00eb dhe pasi (po t\u00eb regjistrohen si t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuar formal\u00eb) humbin benefitet. E nj\u00ebjta duhet t\u00eb vlej\u00eb edhe n\u00eb rastin e veteran\u00ebve. Pra, pagesa universale do ta p\u00ebrkrahte pun\u00ebsimin dhe formalizimin, dhe vet\u00eb masat e LVV-s\u00eb gjat\u00eb pandemis\u00eb kan\u00eb treguar se ato, po t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren, mund t\u00eb japin rezultat pozitiv n\u00eb formalizim.<\/span><\/p>\n

Paga universale do t\u00eb korrektonte edhe problemet e mbulueshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Ndihm\u00ebs Sociale duke evituar gabimet e targetimit (<\/span>q\u00eb jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapura n\u00eb shtetet n\u00eb zhvillim t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb m\u00eb pak kapacitet zbatim<\/span><\/a>i), pra do t\u00eb mb\u00ebrrinte suksessh\u00ebm te pjes\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebra t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, pa bartur rreziqet e stigmatizimit dhe \u201cgrack\u00ebs s\u00eb varf\u00ebris\u00eb\u201d. Ajo po ashtu do t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbente si shtes\u00eb e mir\u00ebseardhur n\u00eb pagat e ul\u00ebta t\u00eb nj\u00eb pjese t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve n\u00eb tregun privat.<\/span><\/p>\n

Fundja, n\u00ebse skemat e shumta partikulariste jan\u00eb justifikuar me argumentin se jan\u00eb t\u00eb harxhueshme (se mbyllen me kalimin e gjenerat\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrfituesve aktual\u00eb), p\u00ebrse t\u00eb mos shtrohet problemi nga ana e kund\u00ebrt \u2013 p\u00ebrse t\u00eb mos fitoj\u00eb e gjith\u00eb shoq\u00ebria me universalizim, qoft\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb kohore t\u00eb kufizuar derisa t\u00eb vihet n\u00eb binar\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm zhvillimi i vendit?<\/span><\/p>\n

Paga universale si mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur taksat dhe solidaritetin shoq\u00ebror<\/b><\/p>\n

Lansimi i pag\u00ebs universale baz\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorej si moment i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb negociuar dhe rritur ndalesat n\u00eb kontribute dhe taksat me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb rritjes s\u00eb solidaritetit shoq\u00ebror dhe rritjes s\u00eb progresivitetit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndalesat e rritura n\u00eb kontribute do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb menaxhoheshin nga Fondi i Sigurimit Social. Fondi i Kursimeve Pensionale t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (FKPK ose Trusti, si\u00e7 e njohim), mund t\u00eb transformohet shum\u00eb leht\u00eb n\u00eb Fond t\u00eb Sigurimit Social. P\u00ebrderisa Fondi do t\u00eb menaxhonte (s\u00eb paku deri n\u00eb nj\u00eb rishikim t\u00eb politik\u00ebs) kursimet pensionale n\u00eb form\u00ebn e sotme, do t\u00eb merrte edhe detyra tjera si: menaxhimi i pensionit kontributdh\u00ebn\u00ebs, sigurimit t\u00eb papun\u00ebsis\u00eb, sigurimit t\u00eb pensionit t\u00eb parakohsh\u00ebm, lejeve prind\u00ebrore nga puna p\u00ebr kujdes f\u00ebmij\u00ebsh, lejeve nga puna p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb s\u00ebmundjeve, etj \u2013 institucione q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shtohen ose plot\u00ebsohen.<\/span><\/p>\n

Edhe ky zhvillim politikash do ta rriste interesimin p\u00ebr formalizim dhe solidaritetin shoq\u00ebror. P\u00ebr shembull, pensioni aktual kontributdh\u00ebn\u00ebs (q\u00eb paguhet nga shteti), mund t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb pension minimal t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm kontributdh\u00ebn\u00ebs, i financuar nga kontributet, i l\u00ebshuar ta z\u00ebm\u00eb fillimisht n\u00eb vler\u00ebn e shesht\u00eb 200 Euro. Me pag\u00ebn universale, p\u00ebr pensionist\u00ebt kontributdh\u00ebn\u00ebs shuma totale e t\u00eb ardhurave do t\u00eb arrinte 300 euro. Gjithashtu, ky pension do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb zgjerohej te gjith\u00eb popull\u00ebsia kontributdh\u00ebn\u00ebse (pra jo vet\u00ebm ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb punuar pes\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vite para 1999) dhe t\u00eb jepej, t\u00eb themi, p\u00ebr secilin q\u00eb ka punuar n\u00eb formalitet (dhe tani edhe kontribuon) p\u00ebr 20 vjet.<\/span><\/p>\n

Q\u00ebllimi i politik\u00ebs nuk do t\u00eb ishte p\u00ebrjashtimi nga t\u00eb drejtat, por nxitja e formalitetit (sepse pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt do t\u00eb kishin interesim p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pension) dhe e p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimit t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurave n\u00eb pleq\u00ebri p\u00ebr shkak se, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar nga t\u00ebrheqja e 10 p\u00ebr qind\u00ebshit, kursimet pensionale jan\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb vogla dhe t\u00eb pabarabarta. K\u00ebshtu si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb, politika aktuale pensionale vet\u00ebm sa do t\u00eb ngarkoj\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt e sot\u00ebm (mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebt do t\u00eb bie barra e mbajtjes s\u00eb t\u00eb moshuarve), duke rrezikuar ta motivoj\u00eb m\u00eb tej emigracionin n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb pagave m\u00eb t\u00eb larta dhe duke rrezikuar varf\u00ebrin\u00eb e lart\u00eb t\u00eb ardhshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb moshuarit.<\/span><\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta logjik\u00eb, me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat synime, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb aplikohej edhe p\u00ebr sigurimet tjera p\u00ebr kontekstin e Kosov\u00ebs. K\u00ebshtu, n\u00eb rastin e lejeve nga puna, barra e financimit do t\u00eb transferohej efektivisht nga pun\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsi (mbi t\u00eb cilin bie sot) te Sigurimi Social, \u00e7ka, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 tjerash, do t\u00eb mb\u00ebshteste pun\u00ebsimin e gruas s\u00eb re sepse pun\u00ebdh\u00ebnsit do t\u00eb b\u00ebnin llogari tjera me rastin e aplikacioneve p\u00ebr pun\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebto, baza e financimit t\u00eb shpenzimit social do t\u00eb fillonte t\u00eb balancohej – duke rritur progresivitetin. Deri m\u00eb tash, shumica e shpenzimit \u00ebsht\u00eb financuar nga buxheti komb\u00ebtar q\u00eb relacionalisht financohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb nga t\u00eb varfrit (pasi ata pritet t\u00eb shpenzojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr konsum nga t\u00eb ardhurat e tyre t\u00eb disponueshme n\u00eb krahasim me kategorit\u00eb n\u00eb pozit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb ekonomike). P\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb afatmesme, k\u00ebto shpenzime t\u00eb sigurimit social do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb mbuloheshin me 3 deri n\u00eb 5 p\u00ebr qind rritje t\u00eb ngarkesave n\u00eb kontribute.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, do t\u00eb krijohej hap\u00ebsir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb rritej progresiviteti n\u00eb taksat personale – s\u00eb paku deri n\u00eb 20%, p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhurat m\u00eb t\u00eb larta, si ka qen\u00eb deri m\u00eb 2008. Politika mund t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb m\u00eb tej duke ngarkuar pun\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb me shkall\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb larta taksash, me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb vendet e pun\u00ebs t\u00eb dekoncentroheshin, dhe t\u00eb gjej\u00eb burime taksash t\u00eb reja si n\u00eb pron\u00eb, trash\u00ebgimi etj. Viti 2021 ka treguar q\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurat komb\u00ebtare mund t\u00eb rriten. Me t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto, prapseprap\u00eb, Kosova do t\u00eb mbetej nd\u00ebr vendet me taksat m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebta dhe buxheti komb\u00ebtar do t\u00eb mblidhte m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa do kishte dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrmes pag\u00ebs universale nga gjysma m\u00eb e pasur e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shteti do t\u00eb fokusohej n\u00eb ofrim t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimeve sociale<\/b><\/p>\n

Me nj\u00eb reform\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb, shteti nuk do t\u00eb shpenzonte koh\u00eb dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00eb n\u00eb administrim pagesash, q\u00eb mund ta b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb efektivisht edhe Fondi i Sigurimit Social, por do t\u00eb fokusohej n\u00eb dh\u00ebnien e sh\u00ebrbimeve t\u00eb cilat m\u00eb s\u00eb miri i jep shteti.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mbi t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto sh\u00ebrbime \u00ebsht\u00eb kujdesi sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor. LVV-ja do t\u00eb b\u00ebnte mir\u00eb t\u00eb mos zbatonte ligjin aktual t\u00eb Sigurimit Sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor i cili gjithashtu origjinon nga receptat e Bank\u00ebs Bot\u00ebrore sepse kontekstit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs i p\u00ebrshtatet m\u00eb tep\u00ebr modeli i Sh\u00ebrbimit Komb\u00ebtar Sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor (NHS). Me ligjin e Sigurimit Sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor dhe me shkall\u00ebn aktuale t\u00eb pun\u00ebsimit, si n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn (socializ\u00ebm), p\u00ebrjashtimi social do t\u00eb ishte i madh, problemi i financimit t\u00eb shpenzimit sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor nuk do t\u00eb zgjidhej (<\/span>si\u00e7 ka ndodhur n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri)<\/span><\/a>, dhe rreziku i thellimit t\u00eb privatizimit do t\u00eb shtohej.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, mund t\u00eb gjurmohen mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e forcimit t\u00eb solidaritetit me ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb shpenzojn\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbime dhe barna – duke ndjekur qasjen e vendeve q\u00eb aplikojn\u00eb modelin NHS – dhe t\u00eb forcimit t\u00eb cil\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimit. P\u00ebrderisa secili mund t\u00eb shpenzoj\u00eb nj\u00eb minimum t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm n\u00eb kujdes sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor dhe barna, solidariteti e b\u00ebn dallimin at\u00ebher\u00eb kur nevoja p\u00ebr shpenzim rritet (duke caktuar nj\u00eb prag mbi t\u00eb cilin shpenzimet individuale mbulohen nga solidariteti komb\u00ebtar). Pa k\u00ebt\u00eb solidaritet, sot shum\u00eb familje q\u00eb p\u00ebrballen me s\u00ebmundje t\u00eb r\u00ebnda ballafaqohen edhe me bankrotim, meq\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mbulojn\u00eb vet\u00eb shpenzimin.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Me projektligjin p\u00ebr buxhetin 2022, Qeveria ka ndar\u00eb 5 milion\u00eb Euro p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e institucioneve t\u00eb para publike t\u00eb Edukimit dhe Kujdesit t\u00eb Hersh\u00ebm t\u00eb F\u00ebmij\u00ebve (ECEC) nga 160 qendra sa ka premtuar. Ajo duhet t\u00eb inkurajohet t\u00eb zbatoj\u00eb sa m\u00eb shpejt gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb program, qoft\u00eb edhe duke hyr\u00eb n\u00eb borxhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb reja, sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb pjesa m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e programit t\u00eb saj. <\/span>Evidenca empirike<\/span><\/a> \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb q\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimet publike ECEC japin rezultatet m\u00eb t\u00eb mira dhe q\u00eb jan\u00eb parakusht p\u00ebr sukses n\u00eb investim social, degjenderizim t\u00eb kujdesit, dhe barazi gjinore n\u00eb tregun e pun\u00ebs. N\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs, edhe politika e nisur e banimit social mund t\u00eb koordinohet q\u00eb t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb afrimit t\u00eb familjeve me qendrat q\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb ECEC.<\/span><\/p>\n

Qeveria mund ta konsideroj\u00eb s\u00eb fundi edhe financimin me rrog\u00eb minimale p\u00ebr nj\u00eb familjar ose pun\u00ebtor tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur nga familja, e q\u00eb do kujdesej p\u00ebr persona n\u00eb familje me shkall\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb aft\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb kufizuar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Me t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto ndryshime, shpenzimi nga shteti n\u00eb t\u00eb drejta sociale do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb arrinte maksimum 1.5 miliard\u00eb Euro ose 16% t\u00eb GDP m\u00eb 2023. Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb <\/span>shpenzuesi m\u00eb i vog\u00ebl<\/span><\/a> i Europ\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb drejta sociale pasi shpenzon n\u00ebn 9% t\u00eb GDP-s\u00eb. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, shpenzimi nga sigurimi social do t\u00eb arrinte fillimisht 1-2% e GDP, pra n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi Kosova do t\u00eb arrinte ose do t\u2019i afrohej shpenzimit social q\u00eb kan\u00eb vendet fqinj\u00eb si Mali i Zi e Maqedonia e Veriut, por prap\u00eb do t\u00eb mbetej larg nga shpenzuesit m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj nga Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor dhe mesatarja e Bashkimit Europian. Do t\u00eb fitonte nd\u00ebrkaq nj\u00eb transformim t\u00eb politikave publike q\u00eb do i sh\u00ebrbenin pun\u00ebsimit, investimit social dhe rritjes s\u00eb solidaritetit shoq\u00ebror. N\u00ebse k\u00ebto t\u00eb drejta do t\u00eb kombinoheshin edhe me politika m\u00eb ambicioze t\u00eb pun\u00ebs, n\u00ebnshtet\u00ebsia e Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej m\u00eb konkurrente me shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e Europ\u00ebs Qendrore q\u00eb japin paga shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha \u2013 mir\u00ebpo shpesh pa t\u00eb drejtat politike dhe t\u00eb drejtat e plota sociale si p\u00ebr vend\u00ebsit.<\/span><\/p>\n

M\u00ebnjanimi i korrupsionit, sidomos n\u00eb nivelet m\u00eb t\u00eb larta, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb zotim i LVV-s\u00eb, do ishte arritje e madhe. Por mjeti m\u00eb i efektsh\u00ebm n\u00eb luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr korrupsionit \u00ebsht\u00eb politika transformatore publike q\u00eb i sh\u00ebrben konsolidimit t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtet\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe zhvillimit. Suksesi i LVV-s\u00eb do t\u00eb matet me k\u00ebso peshore dhe jo me mir\u00ebmbajtjen e vazhdim\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb politika publike. Disa shenja pozitive i ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb, disa t\u00eb tjera kan\u00eb qen\u00eb ideologjikisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrziera, nd\u00ebrsa pjesa m\u00eb e madhe e programit qeveritar mbetet t\u00eb zbatohet. Shumica e paprecedent\u00eb parlamentare e majt\u00eb (58 deputet\u00eb) ka tani pak m\u00eb shum\u00eb se tri vite e jo m\u00eb kat\u00ebr n\u00eb dispozicion p\u00ebr t\u2019i l\u00ebn\u00eb gjurm\u00ebt e veta n\u00eb politik\u00ebn publike dhe demokratizimin e vendit. Pa k\u00ebso transformimesh, gjurm\u00ebt tjera q\u00eb ka l\u00ebn\u00eb gjer m\u00eb tash, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb muret e jashtme t\u00eb Parlamentit, do t\u00eb lexohen me koh\u00eb si pjes\u00eb narrativash tjera.<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Disa vendime t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb plurale t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb shenja t\u00eb kthes\u00ebs s\u00eb nevojshme prej targetimit dhe partikularizmit kah universaliteti n\u00eb politika publike. Mir\u00ebpo n\u00ebse kjo shumic\u00eb synon t\u00eb l\u00eb gjurm\u00eb social-demokrate n\u00eb politikat publike dhe demokratizimin e vendit, duhet sa m\u00eb shpejt dhe pa luhatje t\u00eb l\u00ebviz\u00eb drejt […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":403,"featured_media":7815,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1199],"ppma_author":[689],"class_list":["post-8044","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-destrata"],"authors":[{"term_id":689,"user_id":403,"is_guest":0,"slug":"artan-mustafa","display_name":"Artan Mustafa","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/artan.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/artan.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Mustafa","first_name":"Artan","description":"Artan Mustafa \u00ebsht\u00eb hulumtues dhe ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs sociale. Ka studiuar shkenc\u00eb politike dhe zhvillim t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm n\u00eb Universitetin e Vjen\u00ebs, Universitetin Uppsala dhe Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs, si dhe ka pasur q\u00ebndrime n\u00eb Universitetin e Missouri-t, t\u00eb Tokios dhe t\u00eb Oslos. Ka punuar n\u00eb gazetari q\u00eb nga viti 2001 dhe ka qen\u00eb kryeredaktor i Gazet\u00ebs Jeta n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (2011-2013)."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8044","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/403"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8044"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8044\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8049,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8044\/revisions\/8049"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7815"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8044"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8044"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8044"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=8044"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}