{"id":8329,"date":"2021-06-24T11:42:49","date_gmt":"2021-06-24T09:42:49","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=8329"},"modified":"2024-10-15T11:44:11","modified_gmt":"2024-10-15T09:44:11","slug":"spastrimet-dhe-profesionistet-regjimi-i-transformuar-rus","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/spastrimet-dhe-profesionistet-regjimi-i-transformuar-rus\/","title":{"rendered":"Spastrimet dhe profesionist\u00ebt: regjimi i transformuar rus"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ndryshimet e viteve 2020-2021 jan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar aq t\u00eb t\u00eb vrullshme dhe t\u00eb thella sa q\u00eb regjimi rus po kalon n\u00ebp\u00ebr nj\u00eb rilindje. Tash, ose je pro ose kund\u00ebr regjimit \u2013 d.m.th. kriminal.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Pakkush do t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonte se regjimi rus ka mveshur karakter t\u00eb ri. Rivendosja e or\u00ebs n\u00eb terma presidencial\u00eb, tentimvrasja e liderit t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs Alexei Navalny dhe orteku i ndalesave t\u00eb reja dhe masave shtyp\u00ebse, tregojn\u00eb se mekanizmat e sistemit politik n\u00eb Rusi kan\u00eb ndryshuar dramatikisht.<\/span><\/p>\n

Deri m\u00eb tash, pasoja m\u00eb e dukshme e transformimit t\u00eb regjimit \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebrbimi i shtypjes dhe goditjet ndaj opozit\u00ebs jasht\u00eb sistemit. Megjithat\u00eb, ndryshime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme po ngjajn\u00eb p\u00ebrbrenda sistemit t\u00eb pushtetit dhe pasojat e tyre do t\u00eb ndjehen shum\u00eb shpejt.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb prej karakteristikave kryesore t\u00eb regjimit rus \u00ebsht\u00eb mungesa e koordinimit mes element\u00ebve ky\u00e7. Trendi i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm konservator \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm, por kontrolli politik nga lart\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar dhe procesi i vendimmarrjes \u00ebsht\u00eb fragmentuar. Sistemi i vjet\u00ebr i mbik\u00ebqyrjes s\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme n\u00eb Rusi, i cili i ka mund\u00ebsuar Kremlinit q\u00eb t\u00eb organizoj\u00eb fush\u00ebn e loj\u00ebs politike sipas nevoj\u00ebs, nuk ekziston m\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ai sistem filloi t\u00eb shembej q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2016, me em\u00ebrimin e Sergei Kriyenko-s udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme. P\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar gar\u00eb t\u00eb menaxhueshme u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuan me administrat\u00eb burokratike dhe marr\u00ebveshje me ultimatume.<\/span><\/p>\n

M\u00eb 2020 u b\u00eb e qart\u00eb ndarja mes fush\u00ebs \u201cbrenda sistemit\u201d (opozita nominale q\u00eb n\u00eb realitet luan sipas rregullave t\u00eb Kremlinit), e mbik\u00ebqyrur prej kurator\u00ebve p\u00ebrbrenda administrat\u00ebs presidenciale, dhe fush\u00ebs \u201cjasht\u00eb-sistemit\u201d (opozit\u00ebs s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb), e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb rezervat i dallush\u00ebm i <\/span>siloviki, <\/span><\/i>apo sh\u00ebrbimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. P\u00ebrfshirja e k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb fundit \u00e7oi p\u00ebrfundimisht te kriminalizimi i opozit\u00ebs jasht\u00eb-sistemit.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse m\u00eb par\u00eb shtypja politike ishte me cak dhe e koordinuar, tash ka filluar t\u00eb zbatohet n\u00eb mas\u00eb dhe pa dallim. Tash nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm figurat e posa\u00e7me opozitare dhe organizatat e tyre q\u00eb p\u00ebrndiqen, por vet\u00eb protestat.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkaq vet\u00eb koncepti i protest\u00ebs interpretohet n\u00eb kuptimin m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb: nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm protestat n\u00eb rrug\u00eb, por madje edhe postimet n\u00eb media sociale, \u2018ret\u00eb eet\u2019-at dhe kritika e regjimit dhe vlerave t\u00eb tij (prandaj edhe beteja p\u00ebr interpretimin \u201ce duhur\u201d t\u00eb historis\u00eb) q\u00eb p\u00ebrceptohen si veprime kund\u00ebr regjimit. Shtypja tash zgjerohet p\u00ebrtej opozit\u00ebs jasht\u00eb-sistemit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shtypja e tanishme e protestave p\u00ebrb\u00ebn spastrim t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb aren\u00ebs politike: spastrim q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i koordinuar keq dhe i kryer pa ndonj\u00ebfar\u00eb strategjie koherente apo analize t\u00eb pasojave. Dy odat e parlamentit rus garojn\u00eb se cila do t\u00eb tund\u00eb ligje m\u00eb t\u00eb ashpra e m\u00eb kufizuese si m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar kapital politik, q\u00eb ka p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb nj\u00eb cunami t\u00eb aktivitetit legjislativ.<\/span><\/p>\n

Meq\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar k\u00ebt\u00eb rrjedh\u00eb ndaluese do t\u00eb thot\u00eb vet\u00ebvrasje politike, klasa politike ruse do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet ve\u00e7se gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb konservatore dhe radikalisht antiliberale, duke spastruar radh\u00ebt e tyre prej kujtdo q\u00eb ka nd\u00ebrgjegje.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, regjimi i rigjall\u00ebruar rus tregon hapur se \u00e7\u00ebshtja e vog\u00ebl e ligjshm\u00ebris\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn kurrfar\u00eb telashe p\u00ebr autoritetet, si\u00e7 ilustrohet nga p\u00ebrdorimi i trungjeve si kuti votimi n\u00eb zgjedhjet komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb vitit t\u00eb kaluar, vendimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar nj\u00eb stacion policie n\u00eb sall\u00eb gjyqi p\u00ebr seanc\u00ebn d\u00ebgjimore t\u00eb Navalny-t, si dhe zbatimi retrospektiv i ndalesave t\u00eb reja ndaj atyre q\u00eb kandidojn\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb presidenti Vladimir Putin, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb distancuar q\u00eb moti prej \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve rutinore, \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb sfond t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetsh\u00ebm e statik pas rivendosjes s\u00eb or\u00ebs n\u00eb terma presidencial\u00eb. Ai po e konservon, n\u00eb vend se ta zhvilloj\u00eb sistemin.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend se nj\u00eb rreth i vog\u00ebl njer\u00ebzish t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs p\u00ebr shtypjen politike, tash kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pun\u00eb e mij\u00ebra zyrtar\u00ebve, ku asnj\u00ebri prej tyre individualisht nuk mban ndonj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi politike. Tash p\u00ebrndjekja e njer\u00ebzve \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb autopilot, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se kushdo mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizohet si \u201ckund\u00ebr-regjimit\u201d, pa marr\u00eb parasysh statusin a lidhjet e tyre.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo munges\u00eb kolektive e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebsit e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme nuk ndjejn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi p\u00ebr at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb po i ndodh\u00eb Navalnyt sepse prapa atij rasti \u00ebsht\u00eb FSB-ja [Sh\u00ebrbimi Federal i Siguris\u00eb].<\/span><\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkaq, FSB-ja nuk ndjen p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi p\u00ebr rreziqet politike q\u00eb p\u00ebrmban p\u00ebrndjekja e liderit t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs, sepse ajo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi e tyre: ai \u00ebsht\u00eb problem p\u00ebr mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebsit nga administrata presidenciale.<\/span><\/p>\n

Problemet politike tash trajtohen prej gjithkujt dhe askujt, si pasoj\u00eb e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00e7do aluzion i opozit\u00ebs po b\u00ebhet toksik. Student\u00ebt po p\u00ebrjashtohen dhe njer\u00ebzit po pushohen nga puna thjesht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjes n\u00eb protest\u00eb, \u201cp\u00eblqimit\u201d t\u00eb nj\u00eb posti n\u00eb media sociale, apo ngritjes s\u00eb z\u00ebrit kund\u00ebr sistemit.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend se strateg\u00ebt politik\u00eb t\u00eb menaxhojn\u00eb politik\u00ebn, p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia u \u00ebsht\u00eb transferuar udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve t\u00eb firmave, menaxher\u00ebve t\u00eb burimeve njer\u00ebzore, rektor\u00ebve, drejtor\u00ebve e m\u00ebsuesve.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb dy mandatet e para presidenciale, Putini nd\u00ebrtoi nj\u00eb sistem menaxhimi duke i deleguar t\u00eb af\u00ebrmve t\u00eb tij fusha t\u00eb posa\u00e7me, shum\u00eb prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve mbesin figura me ndikim p\u00ebrbrenda regjimit. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, sot Putini priret t\u2019u besoj\u00eb atyre q\u00eb n\u00eb syt\u00eb e tij jan\u00eb profesionist\u00eb t\u00eb nivelit m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb: teknokrat\u00eb t\u00eb depolitizuar q\u00eb nuk bien pre e popullizmit dhe vendimeve t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgjegjshme.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb logjika prapa em\u00ebrimit t\u00eb Igor Kobzevit nga Ministria e Emergjencave guvernator t\u00eb rajonit t\u00eb Irkuckit, rajon i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb goditur nga katastrofat natyrore, si dhe em\u00ebrimit t\u00eb mjekut Vladimir Uyba guvernator t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs Komi, e cila e p\u00ebrjetoi r\u00ebnd\u00eb pandemin\u00eb COVID-19.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ana tjet\u00ebr e medaljes e rekrutimit t\u00eb profesionist\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u2019u marr\u00eb me problemet \u00ebsht\u00eb se n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e shtetit, t\u00eb cilat k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirje dhe fleksibilitet, nj\u00eb qasje e past\u00ebr profesionale mund t\u00eb tregohet shum\u00eb mendjengusht\u00eb dhe e rrezikshme. Q\u00eb kur u em\u00ebrua Uyba \u2013 i cili nuk kishte p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb n\u00eb politika publike -, kan\u00eb shp\u00ebrthyer disa skandale dhe konflikte n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn Komi.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mb\u00ebshtetja e Putinit te nj\u00eb rreth i vog\u00ebl profesionist\u00ebsh do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se vendimet q\u00eb merren prej disa institucioneve t\u00eb pushtetit p\u00ebrplasen me interesat e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. Kur udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e televizioneve ngrisin nivelin e agresionit dhe frik\u00ebs n\u00eb propagand\u00ebn shtet\u00ebrore, mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebsit e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme duhet t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb zgjidhje se \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me votuesit e shqet\u00ebsuar. Kur Kremlini paralajm\u00ebron kund\u00ebr p\u00ebhapjes s\u00eb histeris\u00eb rreth koronavirusit, guvernator\u00ebt rajonal\u00eb nuk din\u00eb se ku t\u2019i vendosin pacient\u00ebt e tyre t\u00eb shumt\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Problemi me k\u00ebt\u00eb qasje t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se parandalon q\u00eb diskutimi i gj\u00ebr\u00eb dhe d\u00ebshtimet t\u00eb marrin parasysh t\u00eb gjith\u00eb faktor\u00ebt. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, vendimet shpesh jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme dhe shkaktojn\u00eb konflikt.<\/span><\/p>\n

Gjithashtu nuk l\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb si element t\u00eb jet\u00ebs politike: p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb duhen masat kur problemet zgjidhen nga profesionis\u00ebt e zgjedhur me kujdes?<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndryshimet e viteve 2020-2021 jan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar aq t\u00eb t\u00eb vrullshme dhe t\u00eb thella, sa q\u00eb regjimi rus po kalon n\u00ebp\u00ebr nj\u00eb rilindje. \u00c7\u00ebshtjet e pasardh\u00ebsve dhe ndryshimeve jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb teorike: sistemi po p\u00ebrgatitet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb konservimit dhe paraqitjes s\u00eb rregulloreve t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr sjelljen politike.<\/span><\/p>\n

Gjith\u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb ose pro regjimit ose kund\u00ebr regjimit \u2013 d.m.th. kriminale.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo n\u00ebnkupton presion t\u00eb shtuar mbi mediat, kontroll m\u00eb t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr t\u00eb internetit dhe rregullore t\u00eb ashpra p\u00ebr \u00e7do lloj aktiviteti publik. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebtij procesi t\u00eb ri e t\u00eb fragmentuar t\u00eb vendimmarrjes, qeveria do t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb shum\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb gabime. Protestat do t\u00eb shtypen, opozita e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb do t\u00eb rajonalizohet dhe lufta kund\u00ebr l\u00ebvizjes anti regjim do t\u00eb zgjerohet te politikan\u00ebt e opozit\u00ebs n\u00eb partit\u00eb brenda-sistemit dhe te gazetar\u00ebt kritik\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shtypja e \u00e7do gj\u00ebje jasht\u00eb sistemit do t\u00eb tkurr\u00eb pashmangsh\u00ebm gjithashtu fush\u00eblojen e sistemit dhe do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet shum\u00eb m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb pranohesh brenda atij sistemi.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, vet\u00eb Putini do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i c\u00ebnuesh\u00ebm. Ai po shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb simbol, vlera institucionale e t\u00eb cilit po rritet, p\u00ebrderisa po venitet ndikimi i tij personal. Regjimi i Putinit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb regjim i Putinit: ky regjim po p\u00ebrshpejton zgjerimin e tij, duke e transformuar presidentin prej subjektit n\u00eb objekt t\u00eb manipulimit.<\/span><\/p>\n

***<\/span><\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb <\/span>Carnegie Moscow Center<\/span><\/a>, m\u00eb 9 qershor 2021.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

***<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky artikull mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ndryshimet e viteve 2020-2021 jan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar aq t\u00eb t\u00eb vrullshme dhe t\u00eb thella sa q\u00eb regjimi rus po kalon n\u00ebp\u00ebr nj\u00eb rilindje. Tash, ose je pro ose kund\u00ebr regjimit \u2013 d.m.th. kriminal. Pakkush do t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonte se regjimi rus ka mveshur karakter t\u00eb ri. Rivendosja e or\u00ebs n\u00eb terma presidencial\u00eb, tentimvrasja e liderit t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":98,"featured_media":8141,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1260],"ppma_author":[111],"class_list":["post-8329","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kremlinshah"],"authors":[{"term_id":111,"user_id":98,"is_guest":0,"slug":"tatiana-stanovaya","display_name":"Tatiana Stanovaya","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-21.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-21.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Stanovaya","first_name":"Tatiana","description":"Tatiana Stanovaya \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb studiuese jorezidente n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn Carnegie Moscow. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu themeluese e R.Politik, Realiteti i Politik\u00ebs Ruse, nj\u00eb firm\u00eb e analizave politike dhe nj\u00eb an\u00ebtare e k\u00ebshillit k\u00ebrkimor t\u00eb L\u2019Observatoire, qendra e analizave t\u00eb Dhom\u00ebs Franc\u00eb-Ruse t\u00eb Tregtis\u00eb dhe Industris\u00eb."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8329","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/98"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8329"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8329\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8330,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8329\/revisions\/8330"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8141"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8329"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8329"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8329"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=8329"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}