Ka marr\u00ebveshje, apo nuk ka marr\u00ebveshje? Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pyetja q\u00eb po shqet\u00ebson Ballkanin.<\/p>\n
Pas nj\u00eb samiti me presion t\u00eb lart\u00eb mes lider\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, shefi i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb,\u00a0Josep Borrell<\/a>, deklaroi: \u201cNe kemi nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje\u201d, nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje q\u00eb premton t’i udh\u00ebheq\u00eb pal\u00ebt drejt normalizimit p\u00ebrfundimtar t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve. Por, presidenti serb, Aleksandar Vu\u00e7iq, refuzoi t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruaj\u00eb tekstin e nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar nga BE-ja, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb jo mir\u00eb i definuar, dhe q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb deklarata q\u00eb\u00a0kualifikojn\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0dhe madje shfuqizojn\u00eb angazhimet kryesore mes shteteve.<\/p>\n A mundet Vu\u00e7iq t\u2019i injoroj\u00eb obligimet e Beogradit n\u00eb implementimin e\u00a0Annex-it<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb prodhuar n\u00eb Oh\u00ebr t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut dhe t\u00eb pjes\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb\u00a0marr\u00ebveshjes<\/a>\u00a0s\u00eb negociuar n\u00eb Bruksel m\u00eb 27 shkurt, t\u00eb cilin i nj\u00ebjti po ashtu refuzoi ta n\u00ebnshkruaj\u00eb? Pse duhet kryeministri i Kosov\u00ebs, Albin Kurti, t\u00eb vendos\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb garanci t\u00eb pap\u00ebrcaktuar p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, n\u00ebse Kosova nuk e di sigurt q\u00eb Serbia do ta respektoj\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes. A e pranon taktikisht Serbia Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje, apo kjo do t\u00eb varet nga hapat e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm?<\/p>\n Th\u00ebn\u00eb shkurt, ka nj\u00eb mori paqart\u00ebsish mbi negocimet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb Ballkan n\u00eb mbi 20 vjet\u00ebt e fundit. \u00c7\u00ebshtja e Kosov\u00ebs inicioi shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen e dhunshme t\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb n\u00eb vitet 1990, duke ekspozuar paaft\u00ebsin\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i trajtuar problemet e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb oborrin e tyre. P\u00ebrplasja mes Beogradit dhe Prishtin\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb qendr\u00ebn e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjeje shum\u00eb-dekad\u00ebshe, transatlantike, p\u00ebr t\u00eb konsoliduar rajonin drejt rendit per\u00ebndimor. Megjithat\u00eb, mungesa e normalizimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve ka krijuar mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb aktive n\u00eb rajon.<\/p>\n Diplomacia torturuese per\u00ebndimore mes Serbis\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs ka gjasa t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendet gjat\u00eb\u00a0vizit\u00ebs<\/a>\u00a0treditore t\u00eb presidentit kinez Xi Jinping n\u00eb Mosk\u00eb. \u00c7far\u00ebdo dallimi q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb k\u00ebta dy autokrat\u00eb rreth luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, Pekini dhe Moska jan\u00eb t\u00eb pozicionuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb linj\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb kund\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Presidenti rus Vladimir Putin dhe Xi do t\u2019i koordinojn\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb minuar marr\u00ebveshjen, duke e l\u00ebn\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb harres\u00eb, rajonin n\u00eb trazira dhe Serbin\u00eb si nj\u00eb partner strategjik t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n Duke pasur parasysh se \u00e7far\u00eb rrezikohet n\u00ebse marr\u00ebveshja d\u00ebshton, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb koha p\u00ebr\u00a0deklarata<\/a>\u00a0p\u00ebrg\u00ebzuese dhe retorik\u00eb standarde p\u00ebr p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsit\u00eb e pal\u00ebve. Tani edhe Uashingtoni dhe Brukseli \u2013 jo vet\u00ebm Beogradi dhe Prishtina \u2013 duhet t\u00eb marrin p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsit\u00eb e tyre, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht duke pasur parasysh paqart\u00ebsit\u00eb e toleruara n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje. Tre hapa jan\u00eb jetik\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb baz\u00eb p\u00ebr sukses.<\/p>\n S\u00eb pari, BE-ja duhet ta largoj\u00eb pretendimin se \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb leht\u00ebsues midis pal\u00ebve \u2013 dhe Uashingtoni duhet ta largoj\u00eb pretendimin se \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebs q\u00eb ndjek udh\u00ebheqjen e BE-s\u00eb. Vet\u00eb marr\u00ebveshja ka n\u00eb titullin e saj \u201cPropozimi i BE-s\u00eb\u201d – propozim i mb\u00ebshtetur dhe i avancuar plot\u00ebsisht nga ShBA-ja.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr momentin, Borrell pohon se zbatimi \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00ebn e pal\u00ebve, duke reduktuar rolin e BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb thjesht\u00a0monitorues<\/a>. N\u00eb fakt, asnj\u00eb pal\u00eb nuk ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb detyrime formale sipas marr\u00ebveshjes Bruksel-Oh\u00ebr sesa vet\u00eb BE-ja. Jan\u00eb jo m\u00eb pak se pes\u00eb detyra t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta q\u00eb BE-ja ka pranuar. Asnj\u00ebra nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme sesa angazhimi i dyfisht\u00eb i BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201ckryesuar\u201d nj\u00eb komitet t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar dhe mbik\u00ebqyrur zbatimin e \u201ct\u00eb gjitha dispozitave\u201d. Me nj\u00eb afat t\u00eb rrept\u00eb prej 30-dit\u00ebsh p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar Komitetin e P\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb Monitorimit, Brukseli do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb guxim t\u00eb pazakont\u00eb. Zbatimi k\u00ebrkon veprime vendimtare, e jo krijim t\u00eb ambiguitetit vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019i shmangur ato.<\/p>\n Angazhimi aktiv i premtuar nga Uashingtoni n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb test t\u00eb hersh\u00ebm t\u00eb implementimit \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor.\u00a0Administrata e Bidenit<\/a>\u00a0vazhdimisht<\/a>\u00a0i b\u00ebri\u00a0presion<\/a>\u00a0Qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr autonomi p\u00ebr komunitetin serb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. K\u00ebrkesa e Beogradit p\u00ebr Asociacionin e Komunave me Shumic\u00eb Serbe\u201d nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb fare me mir\u00ebqenien e serb\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por me cenimin e sovranitetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Duke pasur parasysh ndikimin e Serbis\u00eb mbi politik\u00ebn serbe t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe armiq\u00ebsin\u00eb aktive t\u00eb Beogradit ndaj fqinjit t\u00eb saj, realiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb se autonomia \u00ebsht\u00eb e parakohshme.<\/p>\n Pasi i \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb presion Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb heq\u00eb dor\u00eb nga karremi i vet\u00ebm i saj ndaj Serbis\u00eb, barra bie mbi ShBA-n\u00eb dhe BE-n\u00eb q\u00eb ta kufizojn\u00eb fush\u00ebn e \u201cvet\u00ebmenaxhimit\u201d n\u00eb nevojat e qytetar\u00ebve serb\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, e jo n\u00eb ambiciet e Beogradit apo p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb tij n\u00eb veriun e Kosov\u00ebs. Serb\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb serioze p\u00ebr autonomi nga Serbia, po aq sa edhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb suksesshme n\u00eb shtet.<\/p>\n S\u00eb dyti, BE-ja duhet t\u00eb eliminoj\u00eb \u00e7do dyshim t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn detyruese t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes dhe t\u00eb dispozitave t\u00eb saj. T\u00eb nxitur nga komentet e nxituara n\u00eb internet, shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs jan\u00eb t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuar se Vu\u00e7iq mund t\u00eb largohet nga marr\u00ebveshja sepse nuk e ka n\u00ebnshkruar at\u00eb, ose thjesht t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb t\u2019i zbatoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm ato dispozita q\u00eb d\u00ebshiron t\u2019i zbatoj\u00eb. Zyrtar\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb e kan\u00eb ndihmuar Vu\u00e7iqin n\u00eb fshehjet e tij p\u00ebr shkak se autokratit i duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me kritik\u00ebt vendas. N\u00ebse Vu\u00e7iqit i lejohet t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebroj\u00eb kushtet apo edhe statusin e marr\u00ebveshjes, shanset e zbatimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes bien menj\u00ebher\u00eb.<\/p>\n Qytetar\u00ebt serb\u00eb meritojn\u00eb ta din\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn \u2013 dhe Vu\u00e7iq mund ta p\u00ebrballoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr traktatet dhe marr\u00ebveshjet e tjera nd\u00ebrmjet shteteve, ajo q\u00eb ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00eblqimi q\u00eb lidh marr\u00ebveshjen sipas ligjit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Si\u00e7 e\u00a0ka<\/a>\u00a0pranuar<\/a>\u00a0Vu\u00e7iq, nj\u00eb n\u00ebnshkrim mund ta manifestoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor. Neni 11 i Konvent\u00ebs s\u00eb Vjen\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebn e Traktateve e b\u00ebn t\u00eb qart\u00eb se: \u201cP\u00eblqimi i nj\u00eb shteti p\u00ebr t\u2019u lidhur nga nj\u00eb traktat mund t\u00eb shprehet me n\u00ebnshkrim, shk\u00ebmbim t\u00eb instrumenteve q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb traktat, ratifikim, pranim, miratim ose aderim, ose nga \u00e7do mjet tjet\u00ebr n\u00ebse ka dakordim\u201d.<\/p>\n Teksti i marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar nga BE-ja – marr\u00ebveshja baz\u00eb dhe aneksi – tregon synimin e qart\u00eb t\u00eb pal\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb hyr\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb plot\u00eb. N\u00eb pik\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb aneksit, pal\u00ebt \u201cangazhohen plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb respektojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha nenet e Marr\u00ebveshjes dhe t\u00eb Aneksit, si dhe t\u00eb zbatojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha detyrimet p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse q\u00eb rrjedhin nga Marr\u00ebveshja dhe Aneksi, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme dhe n\u00eb mir\u00ebbesim\u201d.<\/p>\n Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht e ndryshme nga\u00a0The EU-facilitated Agreement<\/a>\u00a0e Uashingtonit e vitit 2020, q\u00eb u n\u00ebnshkrua nga Vu\u00e7iq dhe ish-kryeministri i Kosov\u00ebs, Avdullah Hoti, n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb t\u00eb Trumpit. Ajo marr\u00ebveshje jodetyruese as nuk i em\u00ebrtoi si\u00e7 duhet pal\u00ebt, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb marr\u00ebveshja Bruksel-Oh\u00ebr i referohet hapur Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb dhe i etiketon ato si \u201cPal\u00eb Kontraktuese\u201d. Ndryshe nga marr\u00ebveshja e Trumpit, tekstet Bruksel-Oh\u00ebr jan\u00eb koherente. Nj\u00eb preambul\u00eb kuadron \u00e7\u00ebshtjet thelb\u00ebsore ligjore dhe politike. Aneksi i Ohrit p\u00ebrfshin disa afate kohore dhe nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm zyrtar zbatimi – t\u00eb gjitha q\u00eb d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb q\u00ebllimin e qart\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb lidhur detyrimin me ligj.<\/p>\n Si nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebs i p\u00ebrcaktuar nga OKB-ja, BE-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht e autorizuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb n\u00ebse Vu\u00e7iq dhe Kurti kan\u00eb pranuar t\u00eb dy dokumentet pa rezerva. Gabriel Escobar, z\u00ebvend\u00ebsndihm\u00ebs sekretari i Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb, q\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, ka mb\u00ebshtetur q\u00ebndrimin e BE-s\u00eb, duke\u00a0k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulur<\/a>\u00a0se marr\u00ebveshja \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cligj\u00ebrisht e detyrueshme\u201d.<\/p>\n Fjal\u00ebt nuk mjaftojn\u00eb. Brukseli duhet t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb dhe t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb zyrtarisht proceset e pranimit n\u00eb BE p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebn, p\u00ebr t\u00eb reflektuar detyrimet e tyre t\u00eb reja. P\u00ebr t’ua b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb pal\u00ebve – gjithashtu dhe Rusis\u00eb e Kin\u00ebs – se nuk ka ambiguitet n\u00eb lidhje me marr\u00ebveshjen Bruksel-Oh\u00ebr, BE-ja duhet ta regjistroj\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb at\u00eb n\u00eb Sekretariatin e OKB-s\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me\u00a0thirrjen<\/a>\u00a0e vet\u00eb Asambles\u00eb s\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb q\u00eb \u201c\u00e7do traktat ose marr\u00ebveshje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, pavar\u00ebsisht nga forma dhe emri i tij p\u00ebrshkrues… t\u00eb regjistrohet sa m\u00eb shpejt t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur\u201d. Kjo vlen gjithashtu edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u201cmarr\u00ebveshje q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u zbatuar p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrpara hyrjes s\u00eb saj n\u00eb fuqi\u201d.<\/p>\n Regjistrimi i shpejt\u00eb do t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si njoftim p\u00ebr Beogradin dhe Prishtin\u00ebn se BE-ja nuk do t\u00eb toleroj\u00eb mohimin e p\u00ebrmbajtjes s\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes \u2013 si\u00e7 ka\u00a0b\u00ebr\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0Vu\u00e7iq, duke mohuar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs drejt\u00a0an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb OKB<\/a>. Beogradi nuk duhet t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsohet rreth regjistrimit n\u00eb OKB, duke pasur parasysh se Serbia\u00a0filloi<\/a>\u00a0procesin<\/a>\u00a0e Asambles\u00eb s\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2008, q\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimisht i dha BE-s\u00eb\u00a0mandatin<\/a>\u00a0e saj p\u00ebr dialogun me Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb vitin 2010. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, Rezoluta e Asambles\u00eb s\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb e vitit 2010, e bashk\u00ebsponsorizuar nga Serbia, n\u00ebnkupton krijimin e nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsie q\u00eb BE-ja t\u00eb raportoj\u00eb tek OKB-ja p\u00ebr progresin n\u00eb dialog.<\/p>\n S\u00eb fundi, Uashingtoni duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb presion ndaj partner\u00ebve t\u00eb vet n\u00eb BE p\u00ebr t\u00eb trajtuar zbraz\u00ebtir\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes: mohimin e Kosov\u00ebs ndaj rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb europiane. Pes\u00eb shtete t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb \u2013 Qiproja, Greqia, Rumania, Sllovakia dhe Spanja \u2013 refuzojn\u00eb me kok\u00ebfort\u00ebsi t\u00eb njohin Kosov\u00ebn, duke e penguar Prishtin\u00ebn edhe t\u00eb aplikoj\u00eb p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE ose NATO. Mbetet plot\u00ebsisht e paqart\u00eb n\u00ebse njohja\u00a0de facto<\/em>\u00a0e Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen Bruksel-Oh\u00ebr do t’i shtyj\u00eb mosnjoh\u00ebsit t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimin e tyre. K\u00ebtu kan\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi formalitetet. N\u00ebnshkrimi i Serbis\u00eb dhe, akoma m\u00eb mir\u00eb, ratifikimi i marr\u00ebveshjes, mund t’i shtyj\u00eb pal\u00ebt t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb hapin e vonuar dhe ta njohin Kosov\u00ebn.<\/p>\n Koha \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore. ShBA-ja dhe BE-ja tani kan\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtuar kredibilitetin e tyre ndaj nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje q\u00eb Rusia dhe Kina kan\u00eb \u00e7do interes ta p\u00ebrmbysin. Arritja e vet\u00ebm kat\u00ebr mosnjoh\u00ebsve t\u00eb NATO-s \u2013 q\u00eb p\u00ebrjashton Qipron e cila ka pozicion t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr kund\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebs \u2013 p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshuar q\u00ebndrimin e tyre, do t\u00eb b\u00ebnte q\u00eb marr\u00ebveshja Bruksel-Oh\u00ebr t\u00eb sillte\u00a0ndryshim thelb\u00ebsor<\/a>; nd\u00ebrsa duke e l\u00ebn\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn vet\u00ebm pjes\u00ebrisht t\u00eb njohur n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, gjendja e tanishme josistematike do t\u00eb rrinte e pandryshuar. N\u00ebse procesi zvarritet n\u00eb vitin 2024, frika \u00ebsht\u00eb se Uashingtoni i shp\u00ebrqendruar do t\u00eb humbas\u00eb fokusin, duke lejuar q\u00eb procesi t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri vet\u00ebm n\u00eb menaxhimin e krizave.<\/p>\n Administrata Biden duhet t\u00eb mendoj\u00eb jasht\u00eb kutis\u00eb. Nj\u00eb qasje \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb bind\u00eb\u00a0Ukrain\u00ebn<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb njoh\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes Bruksel-Oh\u00ebr, duke i p\u00ebrballur mosnjoh\u00ebsit me nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb: n\u00ebse vendi, kufijt\u00eb e t\u00eb cilit po shkat\u00ebrrohen nga nj\u00eb armik me arm\u00eb b\u00ebrthamore, mund ta njoh\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn, pse nuk mund ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe vendet si Spanja?<\/p>\n Koordinimi dhe fokusi i ngusht\u00eb transatlantik i kan\u00eb sjell\u00eb Serbin\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb prag t\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrparimi t\u00eb madh. Me pak m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje dhe imagjinat\u00eb nga Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe Europa, i gjith\u00eb rajoni mund ta tejkaloj\u00eb situat\u00ebn e tanishme, ashtu q\u00eb Ballkani t\u00eb mbrohet p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb nga ndikimi rus dhe ai kinez.<\/p>\n