{"id":12360,"date":"2025-01-30T14:32:23","date_gmt":"2025-01-30T12:32:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=12360"},"modified":"2025-01-30T14:35:10","modified_gmt":"2025-01-30T12:35:10","slug":"efektet-negative-te-rritjes-se-numrit-per-votimin-e-kandidateve-nga-5-ne-10","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/opinion\/efektet-negative-te-rritjes-se-numrit-per-votimin-e-kandidateve-nga-5-ne-10\/","title":{"rendered":"Efektet negative t\u00eb rritjes s\u00eb numrit p\u00ebr votimin e kandidat\u00ebve nga 5 n\u00eb 10"},"content":{"rendered":"

Zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb 9 shkurtit do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb parat pas miratimit t\u00eb <\/span>ligjit t\u00eb ri<\/span><\/a> zgjedhor. Disa nga ndryshimet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb solli ky ligj \u00ebsht\u00eb rritja e numrit t\u00eb votave p\u00ebr kandidat\u00ebt p\u00ebr deputet\u00eb t\u00eb subjekteve politike nga 5 n\u00eb 10; ndryshimi i form\u00ebs s\u00eb num\u00ebrimit t\u00eb votave p\u00ebr deputet\u00eb; heqja e heshtjes zgjedhore (24 or\u00eb para mbajtjes s\u00eb zgjedhjeve) dhe votimi n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsit\u00eb diplomatike dhe me post\u00eb n\u00eb filiale jasht\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Disa nga k\u00ebto ndryshime do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsojn\u00eb procesin zgjedhor. P\u00ebr shembull, votimi fizik n\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsi diplomatike ofron nj\u00eb metod\u00eb m\u00eb praktike p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb jasht\u00eb vendit.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Gjithashtu, votimi me post\u00eb n\u00eb filialet e caktuara jasht\u00eb vendit jep mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb vota me post\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebrrij\u00eb me koh\u00eb, si dhe t\u00eb ket\u00eb m\u00eb pak shpenzime p\u00ebr d\u00ebrgimin e post\u00ebs, p\u00ebr dallim me procesin e vjet\u00ebr kur zarfi duhej t\u00eb d\u00ebrgohej n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Tutje, largimi i heshtjes zgjedhore \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim praktik, sepse nuk ka pasur ndonj\u00eb rol konstruktiv n\u00eb zgjedhje dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb respektuar plot\u00ebsisht, duke u krijuar problemeve institucioneve relevante n\u00eb trajtimin e rasteve.<\/span><\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, vendimi p\u00ebr rritjen e numrit t\u00eb votave p\u00ebr deputet\u00eb nga 5 n\u00eb 10, mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb pasoja negative, sepse i favorizon 10 kandidat\u00ebt e par\u00eb n\u00eb listat zgjedhore dhe centralizon vot\u00ebn n\u00eb qendrat e m\u00ebdha, duke d\u00ebmtuar gar\u00ebn e barabart\u00eb dhe frym\u00ebn e listave t\u00eb hapura.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Avantazhi i padrejt\u00eb i 10 deputet\u00ebve t\u00eb par\u00eb<\/b><\/p>\n

Sistemi zgjedhor i Kosov\u00ebs ka lista t\u00eb hapura, gj\u00eb q\u00eb i mund\u00ebson votuesit t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb vet\u00eb kandidat\u00ebt p\u00ebr deputet\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb subjekti politik. Kryesit\u00eb e subjekteve politike mund t\u00eb vendosin renditjen e deputet\u00ebve n\u00eb list\u00eb zgjedhore, por votuesit vendosin se k\u00eb e votojn\u00eb.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, jo \u00e7do qytetar e p\u00ebrcjell politik\u00ebn n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb aktive dhe jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht i njeh shumic\u00ebn e deputet\u00ebve. Kur shtojm\u00eb k\u00ebtu faktin se subjektet politike kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn t\u00eb propozojn\u00eb 110 kandidat\u00eb p\u00ebr deputet\u00eb n\u00eb listat e tyre zgjedhore, kjo e b\u00ebn edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb komplikuar p\u00ebrcaktimin n\u00eb kandidat\u00eb.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb proceset e kaluara zgjedhore, shum\u00eb qytetar\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb prir\u00eb t\u00eb votojn\u00eb 5-shen e par\u00eb t\u00eb partis\u00eb. N\u00eb tre pal\u00eb zgjedhjet e kaluara n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, 5 kandidat\u00ebt e par\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7do liste kan\u00eb siguruar pothuajse gjithmon\u00eb ul\u00ebse n\u00eb Kuvend. P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit <\/span>2017<\/span><\/a>, <\/span>2019<\/span><\/a> dhe <\/span>2021<\/span><\/a>, LDK-ja, LVV-ja dhe PDK-ja gjithmon\u00eb siguruan 5 kandidat\u00ebt e par\u00eb n\u00eb Kuvend. P\u00ebrjashtimin e vet\u00ebm e b\u00ebn PDK-ja m\u00eb 2019, kur n\u00eb numrin 5 kishte Valon Muratin nga L\u00ebvizja p\u00ebr Bashkim (parti e cila kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb koalicion me PDK-n\u00eb m\u00eb 2019).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Pra, historikisht, 5-shja e par\u00eb ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb favorizuar. Edhe n\u00eb rastet kur disa prej kandidat\u00ebve nuk ishin t\u00eb njohur p\u00ebr publikun, pozicioni i tyre i lart\u00eb n\u00eb list\u00eb u ka garantuar mjaftuesh\u00ebm vota p\u00ebr marrjen e mandatit. Ngaq\u00eb, shum\u00eb votues kan\u00eb votuar 5 kandidat\u00ebt e par\u00eb, edhe n\u00ebse nuk i kan\u00eb njohur.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Qytetar\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb obliguar t\u2019i votojn\u00eb 10 deputet\u00eb, pra mund t\u00eb votojn\u00eb edhe m\u00eb pak kandidat\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, historia mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet dhe, r\u00ebndom, si\u00e7 ka ndodhur n\u00eb zgjedhjet e kaluara, 10 kandidat\u00ebt e par\u00eb mund t\u00eb preferencohen k\u00ebsaj radhe.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, rritja e numrit p\u00ebr votim t\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve nga 5 n\u00eb 10 e thellon hendekun e padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb avantazh t\u00eb padrejt\u00eb 10-shes s\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb secilit subjekt politik.<\/span><\/p>\n

Centralizimi i votave n\u00eb qendrat e m\u00ebdha<\/b><\/p>\n

Rritja e numrit t\u00eb deputet\u00ebve nga 5 n\u00eb 10, centralizon vot\u00ebn duke favorizuar qendrat e m\u00ebdha urbane, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb: Prishtina, Prizreni, Ferizaj, Mitrovica, Gjilani, Peja dhe Gjakova. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, Kuvendi rrezikon t\u00eb b\u00ebhet m\u00eb pak p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues dhe t\u00eb ket\u00eb m\u00eb pak deputet\u00eb nga qytetet e vogla.<\/span><\/p>\n

Specifikisht, ky ndryshim i rregullit do t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti p\u00ebr deputet\u00ebt t\u00eb cil\u00ebt p\u00ebrkrahjen m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe e kan\u00eb nga lokaliteti i tyre. Qytetet e vogla n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb kan\u00eb popullsi duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl dhe numri i votuesve \u00ebsht\u00eb drastikisht m\u00eb i ul\u00ebt. N\u00ebse deputet\u00ebt e komunave t\u00eb vogla nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb renditur n\u00eb dhjet\u00ebshen e par\u00eb, shanset e tyre p\u00ebr t\u2019u zgjedhur deputet\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb vogla.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shembull, nj\u00eb votues i LVV-s\u00eb nga Dardana do t\u00eb jet\u00eb i prir\u00eb t\u00eb votoj\u00eb edhe kandidat\u00ebt nga Gjilani, nd\u00ebrsa nj\u00eb votues nga Gjilani mund t\u2019i zgjedh\u00eb 10 deputet\u00eb n\u00eb list\u00eb nga Gjilani dhe do t\u00eb ket\u00eb m\u00eb pak arsye p\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar kandidat\u00eb nga Dardana. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, qendrat e vogla humbin votat dhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin e tyre.<\/span><\/p>\n

Normalisht q\u00eb kandidat\u00ebt nga qendra t\u00eb m\u00ebdha mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb vota m\u00eb shum\u00eb dhe jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar n\u00eb list\u00ebn zgjedhore. \u00c7\u00ebshtja ku duhet t\u00eb jemi kritik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti se ky ndryshim i favorizon edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb k\u00ebta kandidat\u00eb, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb gar\u00ebn edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb pabarabart\u00eb.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Pra, rritja e numrit nga 5 n\u00eb 10, n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, vendos n\u00eb avantazh 10 deputet\u00ebt e par\u00eb ndaj pjes\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr, e n\u00eb rastin tjet\u00ebr ka tendenc\u00eb ta centralizoj\u00eb vot\u00ebn, ku qendrat e m\u00ebdha marrin vota nga qendrat e vogla, e jo anasjelltas.<\/span><\/p>\n

Efekti real i k\u00ebsaj reforme mbetet t\u00eb shihet pas num\u00ebrimit t\u00eb votave, n\u00ebse 10 deputet\u00ebt e secil\u00ebs parti politike kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar n\u00eb Kuvend, gj\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ka ndodhur n\u00eb zgjedhjet e kaluara.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb 9 shkurtit do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb parat pas miratimit t\u00eb ligjit t\u00eb ri zgjedhor. Disa nga ndryshimet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb solli ky ligj \u00ebsht\u00eb rritja e numrit t\u00eb votave p\u00ebr kandidat\u00ebt p\u00ebr deputet\u00eb t\u00eb subjekteve politike nga 5 n\u00eb 10; ndryshimi i form\u00ebs s\u00eb num\u00ebrimit t\u00eb votave p\u00ebr deputet\u00eb; heqja e […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":442,"featured_media":12213,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[972,624,998,2439,1261,2438],"ppma_author":[1013],"class_list":["post-12360","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kosove","tag-kryesore","tag-politike","tag-sistemi-zgjedhor","tag-zgjedhjet","tag-zgjedhjet-parlamentare"],"authors":[{"term_id":1013,"user_id":442,"is_guest":0,"slug":"mehdi-sejdiu","display_name":"Mehdi Sejdiu","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Photo_Mehdi-Sejdiu.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Photo_Mehdi-Sejdiu.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Sejdiu","first_name":"Mehdi","description":"Mehdi Sejdiu doktorand i Shkencave Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Heidelbergut. Ai studioi Shkenca Politike dhe Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin \u015eehir t\u00eb Stambollit (BA) dhe Universitetin e Heidelberg (MA). Ka punuar si k\u00ebshilltar politik i Z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministrit t\u00eb Par\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (2021 \u2013 2023) duke koordinuar m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti \u00e7\u00ebshtjet Kosov\u00eb \u2013 BE, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin e procesit t\u00eb liberalizimit t\u00eb vizave. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb alumni i programeve si IPS nga Bundestagu Gjerman, Akademia Diplomatike e Vjen\u00ebs dhe TEFF nga Stiftung Mercator. Mehdiu ka punuar n\u00eb disa institute k\u00ebrkimore n\u00eb Gjermani dhe Kosov\u00eb, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb Institutin p\u00ebr Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Heidelberg, Grupin p\u00ebr Hulumtim t\u00eb Politikave Ballkanike dhe Grupin p\u00ebr Studime Juridike dhe Politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12360","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/442"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=12360"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12360\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12361,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12360\/revisions\/12361"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12213"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=12360"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=12360"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=12360"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=12360"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}