{"id":12947,"date":"2025-07-10T10:38:14","date_gmt":"2025-07-10T08:38:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=12947"},"modified":"2025-07-10T10:48:47","modified_gmt":"2025-07-10T08:48:47","slug":"pse-zvarritet-formimi-i-qeverive-ne-kosove","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/opinion\/pse-zvarritet-formimi-i-qeverive-ne-kosove\/","title":{"rendered":"Pse zvarritet formimi i qeverive n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ajo \u00e7ka po ndodh n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb me zvarritjen e formimit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme. N\u00eb fakt, Kosova p\u00ebrballet shpesh me vonesa n\u00eb formimin e qeverive pas zgjedhjeve. Problemet si vonesa n\u00eb certifikimin e rezultateve dhe polarizimi politik mes partive jan\u00eb disa nga shkaqet kryesore t\u00eb cilat e vonojn\u00eb procesin.<\/span><\/p>\n

Vonesa e formimit t\u00eb qeverive zgjat mandatin e qeverive n\u00eb detyr\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat operojn\u00eb pa nj\u00eb kuvend t\u00eb konstituuar dhe l\u00ebngojn\u00eb nga llogaridh\u00ebnia dhe efikasiteti. Qeverit\u00eb n\u00eb detyr\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb ligje e as t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruajn\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Prej shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, vet\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb rast \u00ebsht\u00eb konstituuar kuvendi dhe formuar qeveria pa ndonj\u00eb vones\u00eb, e kjo n\u00eb vitin 2021, kur L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje pati fituar zgjedhjet me 51% dhe arriti ta formoj\u00eb qeverin\u00eb pa ndonj\u00eb koalicion t\u00eb madh paszgjedhor.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha rastet e tjera, ka pasur vonesa p\u00ebr formimin e qeverive, pra formimi i qeverive ka marr\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 60 dit\u00eb. Mesatarja e formimit t\u00eb qeverive n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb 92 dit\u00eb. P\u00ebrderisa vonesat n\u00eb formimin e qeverive ndodhin kudo, n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb europiane mesatarja \u00ebsht\u00eb 28 dit\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

Zgjedhjet e vitit 2025 prodhuan nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb parlamentare dhe partit\u00eb politike u treguan t\u00eb pagatshme p\u00ebr koalicione pas zgjedhjeve. Tashm\u00eb kan\u00eb kaluar 150 dit\u00eb nga p\u00ebrfundimi i zgjedhjeve dhe tejkalimi i mundsh\u00ebm i ng\u00ebr\u00e7it politik nuk duket n\u00eb horizont p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb polarizimit t\u00eb partive politike.\u00a0<\/b><\/p>\n

Polarizimi politik<\/b><\/h3>\n

Arsyeja kryesore e vonesave p\u00ebr formimin e qeveris\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn e pavarur mbetet polarizimi politik, ku tri partit\u00eb kryesore, LVV-ja, PDK-ja dhe LDK-ja, vendosin vija t\u00eb kuqe ndaj nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs gjat\u00eb dhe pas fushat\u00ebs. Ky diskurs polarizues mes partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha v\u00ebshtir\u00ebson bashk\u00ebpunimin dhe komunikimin nd\u00ebrpartiak, duke \u00e7uar n\u00eb negociata t\u00eb st\u00ebrzgjatura t\u00eb koalicionit, e qeveri t\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshme.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky polarizim mes partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha ka favorizuar partit\u00eb e vogla, si AAK, AKR, GUXO dhe NISMA, t\u00eb cilat, me gjith\u00eb fuqin\u00eb elektorale t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar nga vijat e kuqe t\u00eb partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, e n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjet p\u00ebr qeverisje kan\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb pozita si presidenti, kryetari i Kuvendit, kryeministri dhe ministri i Jasht\u00ebm. Q\u00eb nga shpallja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, tre nga pes\u00eb kryeministrat e Kosov\u00ebs kan\u00eb ardhur nga parti q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb fituar fare zgjedhjet.<\/span><\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

P\u00ebrderisa m\u00eb 2014 dhe 2017, LDK-ja dhe LVV-ja refuzonin koalicion me PDK-n\u00eb si partin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, m\u00eb 2025, PDK-ja dhe LDK-ja refuzojn\u00eb koalicion me LVV-n\u00eb. Partit\u00eb nd\u00ebrruan pozitat, por vijat e kuqe mbeten.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Edhe n\u00eb rastet kur k\u00ebto subjekte politike arrit\u00ebn t\u2019i tejkalojn\u00eb dallimet e thella politike, si\u00e7 ishte rasti me qeverisjen PDK-LDK (2014) dhe LVV-LDK (2019), ato kan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb bashk\u00ebqeverisin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efikase, si rezultat i mosbesimit dhe f\u00ebrkimeve nd\u00ebrpartiake.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, tri partit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha, LVV-ja, PDK-ja dhe LDK-ja, ende nuk kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb koalicione t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr bagazhit politik q\u00eb posedojn\u00eb.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Formimi i qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb ardhshme<\/b><\/h3>\n

Problemet e zakonshme p\u00ebr formimin e qeveris\u00eb shoq\u00ebruan edhe procesin zgjedhor t\u00eb 9 shkurtit. N\u00eb fillim u desh\u00ebn 46 dit\u00eb p\u00ebr certifikimin e rezultateve, e pastaj deputet\u00ebt politizuan nj\u00eb aspekt teknik si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb verifikimi i mandateve, e kryetari\/ja e Kuvendit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjedhur ende.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Nuk ka pasur asnj\u00eb tentativ\u00eb serioze p\u00ebr koalicion qeveritar mes LVV-s\u00eb dhe partive t\u00eb tjera. LVV-ja ka ftuar p\u00ebr negociata vet\u00ebm LDK-n\u00eb, e cila e ka refuzuar ftes\u00ebn. \u00c7ka po i shtyn partit\u00eb t\u00eb hezitojn\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjen e k\u00ebtij ng\u00ebr\u00e7i politik jan\u00eb edhe kalkulimet e partive politike p\u00ebr zgjedhjet lokale q\u00eb do t\u00eb mbahen n\u00eb vjesht\u00eb, si dhe zgjedhja e presidentit\/es n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 2026.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, presidentja mund t\u00eb ftoj\u00eb kryetar\u00ebt e partive politike n\u00eb takime, por i mungon autoriteti konsensual mbi partit\u00eb politike. S\u00eb fundmi, Gjykata Kushtetuese me <\/span>vendimin e saj<\/span><\/a> erdhi n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim q\u00eb Kuvendi duhet t\u00eb konstituohet brenda 30 dit\u00ebve dhe ka vendosur barr\u00ebn e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb te deputet\u00ebt e zgjedhur.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Por, zgjidhja e ng\u00ebr\u00e7it nuk gjendet te Gjykata Kushtetuese, por te vet\u00eb partit\u00eb politike. Ato duhet t\u00eb normalizojn\u00eb koalicionet qeveris\u00ebse, q\u00eb krijojn\u00eb shumic\u00ebn parlamentare, duke respektuar vullnetin e popullit.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ajo \u00e7ka po ndodh n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb me zvarritjen e formimit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme. N\u00eb fakt, Kosova p\u00ebrballet shpesh me vonesa n\u00eb formimin e qeverive pas zgjedhjeve. Problemet si vonesa n\u00eb certifikimin e rezultateve dhe polarizimi politik mes partive jan\u00eb disa nga shkaqet kryesore t\u00eb cilat e vonojn\u00eb procesin. Vonesa e formimit t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":442,"featured_media":12419,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[972,624,2143,2133,998,1001,833],"ppma_author":[1013],"class_list":["post-12947","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kosove","tag-kryesore","tag-ldk","tag-pdk","tag-politike","tag-qeveria-e-kosoves","tag-vv"],"authors":[{"term_id":1013,"user_id":442,"is_guest":0,"slug":"mehdi-sejdiu","display_name":"Mehdi Sejdiu","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Photo_Mehdi-Sejdiu.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Photo_Mehdi-Sejdiu.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Sejdiu","first_name":"Mehdi","description":"Mehdi Sejdiu doktorand i Shkencave Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Heidelbergut. Ai studioi Shkenca Politike dhe Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin \u015eehir t\u00eb Stambollit (BA) dhe Universitetin e Heidelberg (MA). Ka punuar si k\u00ebshilltar politik i Z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministrit t\u00eb Par\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (2021 \u2013 2023) duke koordinuar m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti \u00e7\u00ebshtjet Kosov\u00eb \u2013 BE, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimin e procesit t\u00eb liberalizimit t\u00eb vizave. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb alumni i programeve si IPS nga Bundestagu Gjerman, Akademia Diplomatike e Vjen\u00ebs dhe TEFF nga Stiftung Mercator. Mehdiu ka punuar n\u00eb disa institute k\u00ebrkimore n\u00eb Gjermani dhe Kosov\u00eb, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb Institutin p\u00ebr Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Heidelberg, Grupin p\u00ebr Hulumtim t\u00eb Politikave Ballkanike dhe Grupin p\u00ebr Studime Juridike dhe Politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12947","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/442"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=12947"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12947\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12950,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12947\/revisions\/12950"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12419"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=12947"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=12947"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=12947"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=12947"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}