{"id":13490,"date":"2025-11-19T11:45:43","date_gmt":"2025-11-19T09:45:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=13490"},"modified":"2025-11-19T11:47:53","modified_gmt":"2025-11-19T09:47:53","slug":"si-mendojne-shtetet-reflektim-mbi-librin-e-ri-te-john-j-mearsheimer-it-dhe-sebastian-rosato-s","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/kritike\/si-mendojne-shtetet-reflektim-mbi-librin-e-ri-te-john-j-mearsheimer-it-dhe-sebastian-rosato-s\/","title":{"rendered":"Si mendojn\u00eb shtetet? Reflektim mbi librin e ri t\u00eb John J. Mearsheimer-it dhe Sebastian Rosato-s"},"content":{"rendered":"

N\u00eb librin How States Think: The Rationality of Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> (shqip: Si mendojn\u00eb shtetet: racionaliteti i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme<\/em>), dy studiues t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, John J. Mearsheimer<\/em> dhe Sebastian Rosato<\/em>, p\u00ebrpiqen t\u2019i japin p\u00ebrgjigje nj\u00eb pyetjeje t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, por thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare: A veprojn\u00eb shtetet duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb racionalitet, apo veprimet e tyre ndikohen nga emocionet, ideologjia dhe pasionet?<\/strong><\/p>\n

John J. Mearsheimer,<\/em> p\u00ebr dekada me radh\u00eb, ka argumentuar se n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrshtet\u00ebrore, fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha jan\u00eb t\u00eb detyruara t\u00eb ndjekin sigurin\u00eb dhe forc\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb konkurruese dhe sistem nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar anarkik. Nd\u00ebrsa, Sebastian Rosato<\/em> i p\u00ebrket brezit t\u00eb ri t\u00eb teoricien\u00ebve realist\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqen ta p\u00ebrdit\u00ebsojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb qasje me analiza historike dhe gjetje empirike.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fush\u00ebn e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, termi \u201canarki\u201d<\/strong> nuk e ka kuptimin e munges\u00ebs s\u00eb rendit dhe ligjit, por merr kuptimin e munges\u00ebs s\u00eb hierarkis\u00eb n\u00eb nivel global. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, n\u00eb bot\u00eb nuk ka ndonj\u00eb autoritet global apo qeveri bot\u00ebrore p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur shtetet. Kjo struktur\u00eb i detyron shtetet t\u00eb operojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem anarkik (pa hierarki), ku ato duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshteten n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar sigurin\u00eb dhe ndjekur interesat e tyre.<\/em><\/p>\n

Autor\u00ebt e librit ofrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim autentik t\u00eb racionalitetit n\u00eb politik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, duke e p\u00ebrkufizuar at\u00eb si: \u201cstrategji t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar mbi nj\u00eb teori t\u00eb besueshme dhe t\u00eb form\u00ebsuar p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb procesi deliberativ<\/em>\u201d. Ata n\u00ebnvizojn\u00eb se vendimmarrja racionale k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb individ\u00ebt \u201ct\u00eb vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb me kujdes situat\u00ebn duke mbledhur dhe analizuar provat e disponueshme<\/em>\u201d, si dhe q\u00eb shtetet t\u2019i bashkojn\u00eb k\u00ebto pik\u00ebpamje p\u00ebrmes \u201cdebatit t\u00eb hapur dhe t\u00eb pakufizuar p\u00ebrpara marrjes s\u00eb vendimit final\u201d.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb shtet \u00ebsht\u00eb racional jo sepse fiton apo merr vendimin \u201ce duhur\u201d, por sepse ndjek nj\u00eb proces vendimmarr\u00ebs t\u00eb arsyetuar dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me at\u00eb q\u00eb njihet si Modeli i Aktorit Racional<\/strong> (ang. Rational Actor Model). Sipas k\u00ebtij modeli, r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia nuk q\u00ebndron te rezultati p\u00ebrfundimtar, por te m\u00ebnyra se si shteti arrin n\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb caktuar: duke mbledhur informacion, duke e analizuar at\u00eb sistematikisht dhe duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb teori me fuqi shpjeguese mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar bot\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Autor\u00ebt argumentojn\u00eb se p\u00ebrkufizimi i \u201cracionalitetit<\/em>\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, sepse n\u00ebse supozojm\u00eb se shtetet jan\u00eb irracionale, at\u00ebher\u00eb sjellja e tyre n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme b\u00ebhet kryesisht e paparashikueshme dhe studimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare humb fuqin\u00eb shpjeguese.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shembull, edhe kur nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e caktuar p\u00ebrfundon me pasoja t\u00eb r\u00ebnda p\u00ebr shtetet, si n\u00eb rastin e pushtimit t\u00eb Irakut nga ana e SHBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2003, ajo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb racionale n\u00ebse n\u00eb momentin e vendimmarrjes \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb argumente logjike. K\u00ebshtu, Mearsheimer<\/em> dhe Rosato<\/em> e zhvendosin kuptimin e racionalitetit nga rezultati te procesi, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nj\u00eb nga idet\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme dhe m\u00eb dalluese t\u00eb librit.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb testuar k\u00ebt\u00eb tez\u00eb, autor\u00ebt analizojn\u00eb tre shembuj konkret\u00eb: Gjermanin\u00eb n\u00eb prag t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, Japonin\u00eb e viteve \u201830 dhe Rusin\u00eb e vitit 2022. Arsyeja \u00ebsht\u00eb se k\u00ebto raste jan\u00eb p\u00ebrmendur vazhdimisht n\u00eb literatur\u00eb si shembuj t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb gabuara. Por, Mearsheimer<\/em> dhe Rosato<\/em> na ftojn\u00eb t\u2019i shohim nga nj\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim tjet\u00ebr, duke na kujtuar se edhe vendimet m\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb arsyetimi t\u00eb ftoht\u00eb logjik, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara mbi perceptimin e frik\u00ebs, pasiguris\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrpjekjeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar sigurin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb shteteve.<\/p>\n

Gjermania para vitit 1914<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Para fillimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, elitat politike dhe ushtarake n\u00eb Gjermani ndiheshin t\u00eb rrethuara nga armiq n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja an\u00ebt e kufirit: Franca n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim dhe Rusia n\u00eb Lindje. Nga frika se Rusia do t\u00eb rritej dhe do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej shum\u00eb e fort\u00eb n\u00eb vitet n\u00eb vijim, Berlini vendosi t\u00eb godas\u00eb i pari, me shpres\u00ebn se nj\u00eb fitore e shpejt\u00eb dhe e plot\u00eb do t\u00eb eliminonte k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin potencial rus dhe do t\u00eb garantonte sigurin\u00eb p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb n\u00eb dekadat vijuese.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebse ky vendim d\u00ebshtoi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb katastrofale, autor\u00ebt theksojn\u00eb se ai u mb\u00ebshtet mbi nj\u00eb arsyetim racional q\u00eb at\u00ebbot\u00eb Gjermania e konsideronte si t\u00eb domosdosh\u00ebm, bazuar n\u00eb rreziqet e siguris\u00eb nacionale. Andaj, Gjermania nuk veproi nga mosdija apo mendjeleht\u00ebsia, por nga frika dhe instinkti mbijetes\u00ebs nacionale.<\/p>\n

Mearsheimer<\/em> dhe Rosato<\/em> theksojn\u00eb se vendimmarr\u00ebsit gjerman\u00eb supozonin q\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb parandaluese do t\u2019i ruante ata nga nj\u00eb humbje e pashmangshme m\u00eb von\u00eb. Pra, n\u00eb syt\u00eb e tyre, kjo ishte nj\u00eb luft\u00eb e domosdoshme. Kjo gj\u00eb nuk e justifikon luft\u00ebn q\u00eb ndodhi, por na ndihmon t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb se ajo nuk ishte thjesht pasoj\u00eb e arroganc\u00ebs apo e ambicies s\u00eb verb\u00ebr t\u00eb gjerman\u00ebve, por ishte produkt i nj\u00eb llogaritjeje strategjike q\u00eb doli t\u00eb jet\u00eb e gabuar.<\/p>\n

Japonia n\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e 1930-s<\/strong><\/h3>\n

N\u00eb vitet \u201930, Japonia nuk po p\u00ebrballej vet\u00ebm me probleme t\u00eb r\u00ebnda ekonomike dhe kufizime energjetike, por edhe me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsim t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm t\u00eb pozicionit t\u00eb saj strategjik n\u00eb Azi. Japonia varej nga importet e naft\u00ebs dhe l\u00ebnd\u00ebve t\u00eb para, dhe kjo situat\u00eb krijoi shqet\u00ebsim te lidershipi japonez.<\/p>\n

Kjo paqart\u00ebsi lidhej me frik\u00ebn se vendi po humbiste fuqin\u00eb dhe ndikimin e tij n\u00eb rajon. Sipas Mearsheimer-it <\/em>dhe Rosato-s<\/em>, rritja e shpejt\u00eb e Bashkimit Sovjetik, forcimi i Kin\u00ebs nacionaliste dhe presioni ekonomik nga Shtetet e Bashkuara, perceptoheshin si nj\u00eb zhvendosje e pafavorshme e ekuilibrit t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjen japoneze t\u00eb besonte se statusi i saj si fuqi rajonale po cenohej.<\/p>\n

Pushtimi i Man\u00e7uris\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1931 u konsiderua nga vendimmarr\u00ebsit japonez\u00eb si hap i domosdosh\u00ebm dhe racional, sepse n\u00eb syt\u00eb e tyre ai adresonte nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb ri strategjik. Sipas Mearsheimer-it<\/em> dhe Rosato-s<\/em>, Japonia e shihte Man\u00e7urin\u00eb si burimin e vet\u00ebm t\u00eb sigurt p\u00ebr l\u00ebnd\u00eb t\u00eb para dhe si themelin e aft\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetuar.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb klim\u00eb, pushtimi i Man\u00e7uris\u00eb p\u00ebr udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit japonez\u00eb dhe m\u00eb pas zgjerimi n\u00eb Azi nuk ishin thjesht akt agresioni, por nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar furnizime t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme energjetike dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur ekuilibrin e fuqis\u00eb n\u00eb rajon. Pra, vendimi nuk buronte nga impulsiviteti, por nga nj\u00eb llogaritje e ftoht\u00eb e nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar pozit\u00ebn strategjike t\u00eb Japonis\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb mjedisi gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb armiq\u00ebsor.<\/p>\n

Rusia n\u00eb 2022-t\u00ebn<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Rasti m\u00eb i fresk\u00ebt q\u00eb p\u00ebrmendet n\u00eb lib\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, q\u00eb filloi me vendimin e Rusis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb pushtuar Ukrain\u00ebn m\u00eb 2022. Autor\u00ebt kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb interpretimin e zakonsh\u00ebm se presidenti Vladimir Putin veproi nga ambicia personale apo egoja. Ata sugjerojn\u00eb se, nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi rus, zgjerimi i NATO-s drejt Lindjes dhe afrimi i Ukrain\u00ebs me Per\u00ebndimin shiheshin si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim serioz p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Mearsheimer<\/em> dhe Rosato<\/em> argumentojn\u00eb se Moska prej koh\u00ebsh e ka konsideruar Ukrain\u00ebn pjes\u00eb t\u00eb zon\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb ndikimit dhe si thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr ekuilibrin strategjik n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Lindore. K\u00ebshtu, nd\u00ebrsa Ukraina afrohej gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb me institucionet euro-atlantike, Rusia e perceptonte k\u00ebt\u00eb zhvillim si rrezik q\u00eb forcat per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb vendoseshin shum\u00eb pran\u00eb kufirit t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Sipas k\u00ebsaj logjike, Kremlini besonte se po humbiste ndikimin n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn q\u00eb e konsideron thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e shtetit dhe se, n\u00ebse nuk do t\u00eb vepronte, do t\u00eb gjendej p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb situate edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb pafavorshme n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. Andaj, nd\u00ebrhyrja ushtarake, sado me pasoja dhe e gabuar, ishte p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur nj\u00eb ekuilib\u00ebr q\u00eb Moska e sheh si jetik p\u00ebr interesat komb\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Autor\u00ebt argumentojn\u00eb se veprimi i Rusis\u00eb mund t\u00eb kuptohet n\u00eb drit\u00ebn e teoris\u00eb realiste, e cila thekson se shtetet e fuqishme, kur perceptojn\u00eb rrezik pran\u00eb kufijve t\u00eb tyre, priren t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin forc\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur ekuilibrin e fuqis\u00eb. Nga ky k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim, zgjerimi i NATO-s drejt Lindjes dhe afrimi i Ukrain\u00ebs me Per\u00ebndimin, n\u00eb Mosk\u00eb u interpretuan si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime strukturore p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e saj.<\/p>\n

Sipas tyre, edhe pse rezultati i nd\u00ebrhyrjes ishte katastrofik, procesi q\u00eb \u00e7oi n\u00eb vendimmarrje ishte i nd\u00ebrtuar mbi nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb strategjike, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn elitat ruse e konsideronin t\u00eb domosdoshme n\u00eb kushtet e tyre t\u00eb perceptuara t\u00eb rrezikut.<\/p>\n

Rekomandimet e librit<\/strong><\/h3>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto raste konkrete, autor\u00ebt e librit na ftojn\u00eb t\u00eb mos e shohim politik\u00ebn e jashtme si nj\u00eb seri gabimesh apo tekesh t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve, por si p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb shteteve p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur rrug\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb arsyeshme n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb pasiguris\u00eb dhe anarkis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Sipas tyre, edhe kur shtetet gabojn\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb, ato nuk jan\u00eb irracionale. \u00cbsht\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht e kund\u00ebrta: ato marrin vendime racionale, por llogaritjet apo metodat mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb gabuara. Kjo m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e t\u00eb kuptuarit, q\u00eb vjen nga nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb e thell\u00eb historike dhe teorike, \u00ebsht\u00eb ndoshta kontributi m\u00eb i vlefsh\u00ebm i librit n\u00eb debatin mbi m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si mendojn\u00eb shtetet dhe si formohen vendimet n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb jashtme.<\/p>\n

Rekomandimet q\u00eb dalin nga ky lib\u00ebr jan\u00eb t\u00eb qarta dhe me vler\u00eb p\u00ebr grupe t\u00eb ndryshme lexuesish. P\u00ebr studiuesit, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ftes\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb analizuar m\u00eb thell\u00eb proceset e vendimmarrjes dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se si shtetet mendojn\u00eb lidhur me sigurin\u00eb dhe mbijetes\u00ebn e tyre n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsit, libri sh\u00ebrben si nj\u00eb paralajm\u00ebrim i vyer se asnj\u00eb shtetet nuk vepron pa arsye, sado t\u00eb pakuptimta t\u00eb duken veprimet e tij. T\u00eb kuptuarit e k\u00ebsaj logjike \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur keqkuptimet dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb parashikuar m\u00eb sakt\u00eb sjelljen e tyre n\u00eb politik\u00ebn globale.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa, p\u00ebr shtetet e vogla si n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kujtes\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb lexuar m\u00eb me kujdes l\u00ebvizjet e fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha<\/a>, sepse pas \u00e7do vendimi t\u00eb tyre q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb strategjike q\u00eb duhet kuptuar p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb jet\u00eb von\u00eb.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

N\u00eb librin How States Think: The Rationality of Foreign Policy (shqip: Si mendojn\u00eb shtetet: racionaliteti i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme), dy studiues t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, John J. Mearsheimer dhe Sebastian Rosato, p\u00ebrpiqen t\u2019i japin p\u00ebrgjigje nj\u00eb pyetjeje t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, por thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare: A veprojn\u00eb shtetet duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb racionalitet, apo veprimet e tyre […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":402,"featured_media":13491,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[2640,2641,624,1000,2642],"ppma_author":[688],"class_list":["post-13490","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kritike","tag-how-states-think-the-rationality-of-foreign-policy","tag-john-j-mearsheimer","tag-kryesore","tag-politike-e-jashtme","tag-sebastian-rosato"],"authors":[{"term_id":688,"user_id":402,"is_guest":0,"slug":"alfred-marleku","display_name":"Alfred Marleku","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Marleku","first_name":"Alfred","description":"Alfred Marleku ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet bachelor, master dhe ato t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenca politike. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin \u201cUBT\u201d, Fakultetin e Shkencave Politike.\r\n\r\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet ka punuar si menaxher i projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb financuara nga Komisioni Evropian, USAID-i, Ambasada Amerikane etj., t\u00eb cilat fokusohen, kryesisht, n\u00eb reformat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim (R&D); kthimin e trurit; zhvillimin e plan-programeve n\u00eb harmoni me nevojat e tregut etj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik si k\u00ebshilltar politik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13490","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/402"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13490"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13490\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13494,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13490\/revisions\/13494"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/13491"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13490"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13490"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13490"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=13490"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}