{"id":13645,"date":"2025-12-23T17:13:39","date_gmt":"2025-12-23T15:13:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=13645"},"modified":"2025-12-23T17:13:39","modified_gmt":"2025-12-23T15:13:39","slug":"hegjemonia-selektive-dhe-diplomacia-e-personalizuar-ritransformimi-global-i-shba-se","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/opinion\/hegjemonia-selektive-dhe-diplomacia-e-personalizuar-ritransformimi-global-i-shba-se\/","title":{"rendered":"Hegjemonia selektive dhe diplomacia e personalizuar: ritransformimi global i SHBA-s\u00eb"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Dokumenti i <a href=\"https:\/\/www.whitehouse.gov\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/2025-National-Security-Strategy.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Strategjis\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare s\u00eb Siguris\u00eb<\/a> t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb, i publikuar n\u00eb dhjetor t\u00eb vitit 2025, paraqitet si nj\u00eb doktrin\u00eb e re strategjike q\u00eb synon t\u00eb riform\u00ebsoj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore rolin e SHBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb dhe t\u00eb sfidoj\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt paradigm\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, q\u00eb ka definuar rendin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb nga fundi Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb e tutje.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb tri dekadat pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar u karakterizua nga ep\u00ebrsia amerikane dhe nga nj\u00eb rend liberal i cili bazohej n\u00eb rregulla, multilateraliz\u00ebm dhe globalizim ekonomik.<\/p>\n<p>Mir\u00ebpo, pas kriz\u00ebs ekonomike globale t\u00eb vitit 2008 \u2013 dhe sidomos pas aneksimit t\u00eb Krimes\u00eb nga Rusia n\u00eb vitin 2014 \u2013 gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb u identifikuan plasaritje n\u00eb themelet e k\u00ebtij rendi, ku optimizmi p\u00ebr integrim e bashk\u00ebpunim u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsua nga logjika e rivalitetit dhe gar\u00ebs strategjike.<\/p>\n<p>Strategjia e re m\u00eb shum\u00eb i ngjason nj\u00eb filozofie t\u00eb re politike q\u00eb synon t\u00eb rishp\u00ebrndaj\u00eb pesh\u00ebn e fuqis\u00eb amerikane, sesa nj\u00eb strategjie t\u00eb siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb nj\u00eb mjedis t\u00eb ri nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, strategjia prezanton nj\u00eb SHBA q\u00eb e sheh veten gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb pak si garantuese t\u00eb rendit global dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb si nj\u00eb akter q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb ridimensionoj\u00eb ekuilibrat p\u00ebrmes fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb fort\u00eb, diplomacis\u00eb presidenciale dhe rishikimit t\u00eb interesave strategjik\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Dokumenti strategjik artikulon nj\u00eb vizion t\u00eb bot\u00ebs ku SHBA-ja nuk k\u00ebrkon m\u00eb t\u00eb mbizot\u00ebroj\u00eb globalisht p\u00ebrmes rregullave, institucioneve dhe normave, por t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb ep\u00ebrsi t\u00eb fokusuar p\u00ebrmes fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb fort\u00eb, kontrollit ekonomik dhe diplomacis\u00eb s\u00eb personalizuar.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>Prioritet g\u00ebzojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm \u00e7\u00ebshtjet t\u00eb cilat prekin direkt interesat e SHBA-s\u00eb<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>Strategjia shpall fundin e nj\u00eb epoke n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn SHBA-ja aspironte t\u00eb ushtronte dominim permanent anemban\u00eb bot\u00ebs, duke e konsideruar at\u00eb si \u201ciluzion strategjik\u201d t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Megjithat\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht distancimit retorik, dokumenti thekson se SHBA-ja nuk i braktis ambiciet e veta, por vet\u00ebm i p\u00ebrzgjedh ato n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me interesat e vet primar\u00eb. N\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, Dokumenti thekson se do t\u00eb prioritizohen vet\u00ebm \u00e7\u00ebshtjet t\u00eb cilat prekin interesat e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Hemisfera per\u00ebndimore paraqitet si prioritet ky\u00e7 i strategjis\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. SHBA-ja synon t\u00eb \u201c<em>ndaloj\u00eb \u00e7do fuqi jasht\u00eb-hemisferike t\u00eb pozicionoj\u00eb kapacitete ose t\u00eb zot\u00ebroj\u00eb asete strategjike<\/em>\u201d n\u00eb rajon. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb definicion tipik i nj\u00eb <a href=\"https:\/\/respublica.edu.mk\/blog-sq\/politika-sq\/rikthimi-i-doktrines-se-sferave-te-influences-ne-politiken-nderkombetare\/?lang=sq\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sfere ndikimi<\/a> dhe i hegjemonis\u00eb selektive.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb Azi, fokusi \u00ebsht\u00eb kryesisht n\u00eb ruajtjen e ep\u00ebrsis\u00eb ushtarake dhe ekonomike ndaj Kin\u00ebs, dhe jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur nj\u00eb rend global. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Europa shihet si interes strategjik, mir\u00ebpo me nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi m\u00eb t\u00eb zvog\u00ebluar. SHBA-ja, megjithat\u00eb, synon t\u00eb parandaloj\u00eb dominimin e \u00e7do fuqie tjet\u00ebr rivale n\u00eb kontinentin e vjet\u00ebr, sidomos at\u00eb t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>Europa si zon\u00eb sekondare e interesit<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>N\u00eb Dokument, Europa p\u00ebrshkruhet si tejet e dob\u00ebsuar, n\u00eb r\u00ebnie t\u00eb vazhdueshme demografike, ekonomike dhe me munges\u00eb t\u00eb theksuar t\u00eb vet\u00ebbesimit n\u00eb \u201cqytet\u00ebrimin\u201d e saj.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo qasje \u00ebsht\u00eb radikalisht e ndryshme nga modelet liberale dhe historike t\u00eb politik\u00ebs transatlantike. Europa nuk paraqitet si aleate e pashmangshme, por si nj\u00eb rajon q\u00eb ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201ckorrigjim t\u00eb trajektores\u201d s\u00eb zhvillimit. Ky pozicionim i ri p\u00ebrplaset me tradit\u00ebn e gjat\u00eb t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur integrimin europian si mjet stabilizues p\u00ebr rajonin dhe si mekaniz\u00ebm t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebris\u00eb trans-atlantike.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebtu shfaqet edhe paradoksi m\u00eb i pazakont\u00eb i dokumentit. Teksa n\u00eb pjes\u00ebt e tjera theksohet se prioritet do t\u00eb ken\u00eb vet\u00ebm \u00e7\u00ebshtjet q\u00eb prekin direkt interesat amerikan\u00eb, n\u00eb kapitullin p\u00ebr Europ\u00ebn, Dokumenti rr\u00ebshqet nga identifikimi i \u201c<em>r\u00ebnies<\/em>\u201d s\u00eb kontinentit n\u00eb nj\u00eb rol normativ, duke ofruar udh\u00ebzime se si Europa duhet t\u00eb rikthej\u00eb vet\u00ebbesimin e \u201cqytet\u00ebrimit\u201d t\u00eb saj dhe t\u00eb korrigjoj\u00eb orientimin politik e shoq\u00ebror.<\/p>\n<p>Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, Europa trajtohet jo vet\u00ebm si aleat q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb rris\u00eb shpenzimet p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e vet, por edhe si projekt social q\u00eb SHBA-ja synon ta reformoj\u00eb me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb ta \u201cshp\u00ebtoj\u00eb\u201d nga r\u00ebnia v\u00ebshtir\u00eb e shmangshme. Kjo e b\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb pjes\u00eb konceptualisht t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme n\u00eb raport me logjik\u00ebn \u201cAmerika e Para\u201d, q\u00eb e karakterizon k\u00ebt\u00eb strategji.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, fakti q\u00eb Dokumenti e rendit Europ\u00ebn pas Azis\u00eb n\u00eb hierarkin\u00eb e rajoneve me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi strategjike, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb rip\u00ebrkufizimin e prioriteteve amerikane.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb kontekstin e luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, ku Dokumenti i jep v\u00ebmendje m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u201c<em>stabilitetit strategjik me Rusin\u00eb<\/em>\u201d, sesa nj\u00eb triumfi eventual t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>\u201c<em>Diplomacia presidenciale<\/em>\u201d dhe personalizimi i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme amerikane<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>Nj\u00eb karakteristik\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse e strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb re \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebnvizimi i \u201cdiplomacis\u00eb presidenciale\u201d si motor kryesor i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, dokumenti e p\u00ebrshkruan presidentin Trump si negociatorin kryesor t\u00eb paqes, duke renditur marr\u00ebveshjet e tij si prova t\u00eb nj\u00eb modeli t\u00eb ri, m\u00eb efikas dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb personalizuar t\u00eb diplomacis\u00eb amerikane.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo qasje e zhvendos procesin e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme nga korniza burokratike dhe e konsoliduar nd\u00ebrinstitucionale, drejt nj\u00eb forme t\u00eb politik\u00ebb\u00ebrjes q\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb karizm\u00ebn e liderit, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet personale dhe negociatat e individualizuara.<\/p>\n<p>Prema <a href=\"https:\/\/www.foreignaffairs.com\/trumps-power-paradox\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">studiuesve<\/a>, ky model krijon nj\u00eb rend nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb strukturuar jo rreth aleancave, por rreth marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrpersonale t\u00eb lider\u00ebve t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, Dokumenti strategjik nuk p\u00ebrshkruan nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga Amerika, por fokusohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga rrjete komplekse t\u00eb ndikimit personal t\u00eb president\u00ebve dhe lider\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb shtet\u00ebror\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo form\u00eb diplomacie p\u00ebrshpejton marrjen e vendimeve, por nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht ul parashikueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe zbeh rolin e diplomacis\u00eb klasike. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.globalpolicyjournal.com\/blog\/16\/11\/2017\/age-personalized-diplomacy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Studimet<\/a> theksojn\u00eb se personalizimi i tepruar i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme e rrit rrezikun e vendimmarrjes impulsive dhe zvog\u00eblon koherenc\u00ebn institucionale.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Dokumenti i Strategjis\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare s\u00eb Siguris\u00eb t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb, i publikuar n\u00eb dhjetor t\u00eb vitit 2025, paraqitet si nj\u00eb doktrin\u00eb e re strategjike q\u00eb synon t\u00eb riform\u00ebsoj\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore rolin e SHBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb dhe t\u00eb sfidoj\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt paradigm\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, q\u00eb ka definuar rendin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb nga fundi Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb e [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":402,"featured_media":12213,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[624,1000,999,2668],"ppma_author":[688],"class_list":["post-13645","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kryesore","tag-politike-e-jashtme","tag-shba","tag-strategjia-kombetare-e-sigurise"],"authors":[{"term_id":688,"user_id":402,"is_guest":0,"slug":"alfred-marleku","display_name":"Alfred Marleku","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Marleku","first_name":"Alfred","description":"Alfred Marleku ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet bachelor, master dhe ato t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenca politike. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin \u201cUBT\u201d, Fakultetin e Shkencave Politike.\r\n\r\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet ka punuar si menaxher i projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb financuara nga Komisioni Evropian, USAID-i, Ambasada Amerikane etj., t\u00eb cilat fokusohen, kryesisht, n\u00eb reformat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim (R&amp;D); kthimin e trurit; zhvillimin e plan-programeve n\u00eb harmoni me nevojat e tregut etj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik si k\u00ebshilltar politik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13645","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/402"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13645"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13645\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13646,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13645\/revisions\/13646"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12213"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13645"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13645"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13645"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=13645"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}