Ende pa tejkaluar nga p\u00ebrfundimi i kriz\u00ebs politike rreth formimit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn u desh\u00ebn dy pal\u00eb zgjedhje, Kosova po kalon drejt nj\u00eb krize t\u00eb re.<\/p>\n
Duket sikur \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7lirohemi nga kriza si mend\u00ebsi, sikur kemi krijuar nj\u00eb var\u00ebsi nga drama politike p\u00ebr konsum ditor.<\/p>\n
Tashm\u00eb kemi hyr\u00eb n\u00eb jav\u00ebn e fundit p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e presidentit. Edhe pse po afrohemi drejt fundit t\u00eb afatit kushtetues, ende nuk kemi ndonj\u00eb kandidat konkret, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 gatishm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb presidentes Vjosa Osmani p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mandat t\u00eb dyt\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Por, kandidatura e presidentes Osmani nuk po duket e sigurt. Partia n\u00eb pushtet, ndryshe nga her\u00ebt e kaluara, ka hequr dor\u00eb nga arroganca e numrave dhe po shfaqet e hapur p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim me opozit\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kandidat konsensual.<\/p>\n
Kjo sinjalizon nj\u00eb strategji t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb politike p\u00ebr ta hequr barr\u00ebn e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb nga mosmb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr kandidatur\u00ebn e presidentes Osmani, por edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb hedhur topin n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e opozit\u00ebs, e cila edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb po d\u00ebshmon pamund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar ofert\u00eb konkrete politike, qoft\u00eb edhe duke sjell\u00eb nj\u00eb em\u00ebr n\u00eb tavolin\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Vet\u00ebvendosje po vazhdon t\u00eb shmang\u00eb pyetjen thelb\u00ebsore: A e mb\u00ebshtet realisht Osmanin si kandidate t\u00eb saj? Kjo mosp\u00ebrgjigje nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht hezitim, por kalkulim milimetrik politik, q\u00eb edhe duket shum\u00eb parimor, se p\u00ebr presidentin vendoset bashk\u00ebrisht me opozit\u00ebn.<\/p>\n
K\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron thelbi i problemit: raporti i Osmanit me opozit\u00ebn gjat\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb saj ka qen\u00eb i tensionuar. Ajo nuk ka investuar kapital politik p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar ura bashk\u00ebpunimi; p\u00ebrkundrazi, n\u00eb disa momente, ka antagonizuar hapur opozit\u00ebn.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrtej afrimit me partin\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet, presidenca e saj \u00ebsht\u00eb karakterizuar edhe nga q\u00ebndrime t\u00eb perceptuara si t\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshme dhe inkonsistente n\u00eb momente ky\u00e7e politike, si dhe nga nj\u00eb munges\u00eb e qart\u00eb e p\u00ebrpjekjeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar unitet institucional.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb raste t\u00eb caktuara, jan\u00eb ngritur pik\u00ebpyetje edhe mbi respektimin strikt t\u00eb parimeve kushtetuese dhe rolin e presidentit si figur\u00eb mbi-partiake. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, tensionet e theksuara me Donika G\u00ebrvalla-Schwarz kan\u00eb prodhuar tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb pasoj\u00eb t\u00eb prekshme politike.<\/p>\n
Lista Guxo, subjekti politik t\u00eb cilin vet\u00eb Osmani e krijoi, nuk ka shfaqur gatishm\u00ebri p\u00ebr ta shtyr\u00eb apo garantuar mb\u00ebshtetjen p\u00ebr kandidatur\u00ebn e saj p\u00ebr presidente brenda Grupit Parlamentar t\u00eb Vet\u00ebvendosjes.<\/p>\n
Edhe pse n\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie shum\u00eb delikate politike me kryeministrin Kurti, presidentja Osmani i ka \u2018vendosur t\u00eb gjitha vez\u00ebt n\u00eb shport\u00ebn e Vet\u00ebvendosjes\u2019 si shumic\u00eb parlamentare. Mir\u00ebpo, kjo strategji rrezikon ta l\u00ebr\u00eb pa garanci as p\u00ebr 30 n\u00ebnshkrimet e nevojshme p\u00ebr kandidim, e aq m\u00eb pak p\u00ebr 80 votat p\u00ebr kuorum. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, mb\u00ebshtetja e Vet\u00ebvendosjes p\u00ebr presidenten Osmani asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk ka qen\u00eb e garantuar gjat\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n
Tani, pyetja kryesore \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse i leverdis Kurtit nj\u00eb figur\u00eb me lidership t\u00eb fort\u00eb, e cila ushtron mandatin e saj pavar\u00ebsisht, duke balancuar pushtetin dominant t\u00eb Vet\u00ebvendosjes, apo nj\u00eb president q\u00eb, megjithat\u00eb, nuk vendos qeverin\u00eb n\u00ebn hije p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket lidershipit, politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, dhe nuk sfidon qeverin\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e brendshme?<\/p>\n
Osmani n\u00eb mandatin e dyt\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb figur\u00eb q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb parashikohet leht\u00eb. Ajo ka shk\u00eblqyer n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme dhe shpesh ka l\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00ebn hije kryeministrin dhe ministren e Jashtme. Kjo sidomos n\u00eb suksesin p\u00ebr njohje t\u00eb reja (Siria dhe Bahamas) dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb Bordin e Paqes, ku shpesh u prodhuan faits accomplis<\/em>, duke e vendosur Kurtin p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb realiteti t\u00eb kryer.<\/p>\n P\u00ebrtej kritikave n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e brendshme kosovare, presidentja Osmani ka pasur nj\u00eb performanc\u00eb relativisht t\u00eb mir\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme, duke i sjell\u00eb vendit njohje t\u00eb reja, takime bilaterale dhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim dinjitoz diplomatik, gj\u00eb q\u00eb ka munguar nga Zyra e Kryeministrit dhe Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Jashtme.<\/p>\n N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, nj\u00eb mandati i dyt\u00eb p\u00ebr Osmanin do t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbente asaj n\u00eb zhvillim t\u00eb thellimit t\u00eb figur\u00ebs s\u00eb saj politike, q\u00eb do t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbente pozitivisht karrier\u00ebs s\u00eb saj politike.<\/p>\n Pra, Osmani paraqet nj\u00eb dilem\u00eb reale politike p\u00ebr Kurtin. E l\u00ebn\u00eb jasht\u00eb Presidenc\u00ebs, ajo mund t\u00eb rikthehet n\u00eb politik\u00eb partiake dhe t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb figur\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme opozitare. N\u00eb nj\u00eb vakum lidershipi n\u00eb opozit\u00eb, Osmani mbetet figur\u00eb me kapacitet mobilizues dhe me rrjet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb pak politikan\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb e kan\u00eb.<\/p>\n L\u00ebnia e saj jasht\u00eb Presidenc\u00ebs mund t\u00eb rikonfiguroj\u00eb sken\u00ebn opozitare dhe t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb dinamik\u00eb t\u00eb re p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb pushteti t\u00eb konsoliduar. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb skenar, balanca politike n\u00eb vend do t\u00eb hynte n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb m\u00eb konkurruese dhe potencialisht m\u00eb pluraliste.<\/p>\n N\u00eb munges\u00eb kandidat\u00ebsh konkret\u00eb, debati ka rr\u00ebshqitur drejt simbolik\u00ebs. Instrumentalizimi i sakrific\u00ebs s\u00eb familjes Jashari p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar \u201cgatishm\u00ebri p\u00ebr konsensus\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb shembulli m\u00eb i qart\u00eb. P\u00ebrdorimi i historis\u00eb p\u00ebr konsum politik, pa e materializuar realisht, tregon munges\u00eb ndjeshm\u00ebrie dhe e kthen procesin n\u00eb shfaqje.<\/p>\n Distancimi i familjes Jashari nga kjo loj\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb pik\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyll\u00ebse e k\u00ebtij manipulimi.<\/p>\n Por, \u00e7far\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptojm\u00eb me \u201ckandidat konsensual\u201d? Konsensual p\u00ebr k\u00eb? P\u00ebr partit\u00eb? P\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt? Apo p\u00ebr realitetin e ri global q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon diplomaci t\u00eb sofistikuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb naviguar Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb uj\u00ebra t\u00eb stuhishme nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare?<\/p>\n Kosova nuk ka koh\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb humbur me nj\u00eb kandidat pa p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb dhe pa eksperienc\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n Megjithat\u00eb, partia n\u00eb pushtet dhe partit\u00eb opozitare kan\u00eb vendosur q\u00eb t\u00eb taktizojn\u00eb deri n\u00eb momentet e fundit, duke mos publikuar emrat e kandidat\u00ebve.<\/p>\n Strategjia e mospublikimit t\u00eb emrave t\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve deri n\u00eb fund \u00ebsht\u00eb taktike. Me numrat q\u00eb ka n\u00eb Parlament dhe me faktin q\u00eb opozita nuk ka interes p\u00ebr zgjedhje t\u00eb reja, Kurti megjithat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb avantazh politik dhe psikologjik.<\/p>\n Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, opozita duket e paralizuar. LDK-ja k\u00ebrkon marr\u00ebveshje politike, por \u00ebsht\u00eb e paqart\u00eb n\u00ebse me shpres\u00ebn p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebqeverisje apo p\u00ebr t\u00eb shtyr\u00eb kandidatin e vet p\u00ebrpara, ani pse nuk ka p\u00ebrmendur asnj\u00eb em\u00ebr publikisht.<\/p>\n PDK-ja mbetet e paqart\u00eb dhe e bllokuar nga propozimi p\u00ebr familjen Jashari, si dhe vazhdon bllokimin pa strategji, ngjash\u00ebm si vitin e kaluar, pasi deklaroi q\u00eb nuk ka vot\u00eb p\u00ebr Osmanin, por as nuk ka propozuar asnj\u00eb em\u00ebr konkret. Si duket, PDK-ja nuk ka m\u00ebsuar m\u00ebsimin q\u00eb barrikadimi nuk sjell asgj\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, tash duket edhe si lev\u00eb e Kurtit p\u00ebr t\u00eb anashkaluar Osmanin si kandidate.<\/p>\n Nd\u00ebrsa AAK-ja nuk e ka pesh\u00ebn politike p\u00ebr t\u00eb imponuar alternativ\u00eb, por as nuk ka treguar angazhim politik p\u00ebrtej propozimit sporadik p\u00ebr Ramush Haradinajn.<\/p>\n Megjithat\u00eb, bashk\u00eb me numrat q\u00eb kan\u00eb, opozita s\u00eb paku mund t\u00eb propozoj\u00eb nj\u00eb em\u00ebr p\u00ebr ta hapur procesin. Por, t\u00eb pres\u00ebsh bashk\u00ebpunim nga opozita n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb luks.<\/p>\n N\u00eb fund, diskutimi p\u00ebr propozimin e presidentit konsensual duhet t\u00eb kthehet te profili.<\/p>\n Presidenti konsensual nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb figur\u00eb q\u00eb thjesht \u201cnuk refuzohet\u201d p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb mbiemrit apo simbolik\u00ebs familjare. Konsensusi n\u00ebnkupton mb\u00ebshtetje nd\u00ebrpartiake p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kandidat q\u00eb sh\u00ebrben si balanc\u00eb pushteti, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst dominimi t\u00eb nj\u00eb partie, si\u00e7 e kemi n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n Profili duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb kapacitet unifikues, jo vet\u00ebm nd\u00ebrpartiak, por edhe nd\u00ebretnik. Duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb diplomat i spikatur, me aft\u00ebsi navigimi n\u00eb diplomacin\u00eb komplekse t\u00eb koh\u00ebs.<\/p>\n Dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment kur Kosova ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr stabilitet, autoritet dhe orientim t\u00eb qart\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, zgjedhja e presidentit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht procedur\u00eb, por nj\u00eb test i pjekuris\u00eb politike n\u00eb vitin kur Kosova feston 18-vjetorin e Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Ende pa tejkaluar nga p\u00ebrfundimi i kriz\u00ebs politike rreth formimit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn u desh\u00ebn dy pal\u00eb zgjedhje, Kosova po kalon drejt nj\u00eb krize t\u00eb re. Duket sikur \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7lirohemi nga kriza si mend\u00ebsi, sikur kemi krijuar nj\u00eb var\u00ebsi nga drama politike p\u00ebr konsum ditor. Tashm\u00eb kemi hyr\u00eb n\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":251,"featured_media":10426,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[972,624,2143,2133,998,1305,833],"ppma_author":[1437],"class_list":["post-13940","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kosove","tag-kryesore","tag-ldk","tag-pdk","tag-politike","tag-vjosa-osmani","tag-vv"],"authors":[{"term_id":1437,"user_id":251,"is_guest":0,"slug":"donika-emini","display_name":"Donika Emini","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/02\/donika-28-e1772270353976.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/02\/donika-28-e1772270353976.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Emini","first_name":"Donika","description":"Donika Emini (kandidate p\u00ebr doktoratur\u00eb n\u00eb Politik\u00eb dhe Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin e Westminster, Lond\u00ebr) po drejton Platform\u00ebn CiviKos, nj\u00eb sekretariat q\u00eb mbledh 250 OSHC n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Ajo mban nj\u00eb burs\u00eb nga Fondi i K\u00ebrkimit p\u00ebr Sfidat Globale (GCRF) dhe nj\u00eb diplom\u00eb master n\u00eb Politika Publike, e specializuar n\u00eb Menaxhimin Publik dhe Jo-fitimprur\u00ebs dhe Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Pas kthimit t\u00eb saj nga Gjermania n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, znj. Emini ishte p\u00ebrfituese e Programit t\u00eb Zhvillimit Profesional t\u00eb t\u00eb Rinjve nga OSI - Think Tank, si pjes\u00eb e Qendr\u00ebs Kosovare p\u00ebr Studime t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb, ku ajo punoi m\u00eb par\u00eb (2013-2016). P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ajo ishte nj\u00eb Bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtore K\u00ebrkimore n\u00eb Institutin e BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr Studime t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb (EUISS) n\u00eb Zyr\u00ebn Qendrore n\u00eb Paris - burs\u00eb e dh\u00ebn\u00eb nga Fondi Evropian p\u00ebr Ballkanin. M\u00eb par\u00eb, znj. Emini punoi me Sekretariatin e Transparency International n\u00eb Berlin, Institutin e Politikave Ballkanike (IPOL) dhe Konsullat\u00ebn e P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb New York."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13940","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/251"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13940"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13940\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13947,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13940\/revisions\/13947"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10426"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13940"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13940"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13940"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=13940"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}Konsensusi si simbolik\u00eb boshe<\/strong><\/h3>\n