{"id":14023,"date":"2026-03-12T14:03:48","date_gmt":"2026-03-12T12:03:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=14023"},"modified":"2026-03-12T14:06:03","modified_gmt":"2026-03-12T12:06:03","slug":"a-po-shkon-serbia-drejt-zgjedhjeve-te-parakohshme-ne-vitin-2026","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/opinion\/a-po-shkon-serbia-drejt-zgjedhjeve-te-parakohshme-ne-vitin-2026\/","title":{"rendered":"A po shkon Serbia drejt zgjedhjeve t\u00eb parakohshme n\u00eb vitin 2026?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Pas m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb viti protestash n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequra nga student\u00ebt n\u00eb Serbi, Qeveria \u00ebsht\u00eb e tronditur n\u00eb palc\u00eb<\/a>. N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 2025, Serbia formoi nj\u00eb qeveri t\u00eb re, pas dor\u00ebheqjes s\u00eb kryeministrit Vu\u00e7eviq.<\/p>\n

Me gjith\u00eb thirrjet p\u00ebrher\u00eb e n\u00eb rritje p\u00ebr zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme, presidenti Vu\u00e7iq k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguli se Qeveria e Serbis\u00eb mbetet e q\u00ebndrueshme dhe se zgjedhjet e parakohshme ishin t\u00eb panevojshme. K\u00ebrkesa kryesore e l\u00ebvizjes p\u00ebr zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme mbetet akoma e pandryshuar.<\/p>\n

Teksa l\u00ebvizja studentore vazhdoi t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb presion gjat\u00eb vitit 2025, Vu\u00e7iqi dha shenj\u00eb se zgjedhjet e parakohshme jan\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2026.<\/p>\n

Ndon\u00ebse presidenti Vu\u00e7iq ka l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptohet p\u00ebr zgjedhjet e parakohshme<\/a>, fjal\u00ebt e tij duhet t\u00eb trajtohen me kujdes. Ai edhe m\u00eb par\u00eb kishte ndryshuar q\u00ebndrim dhe nuk ka asnj\u00eb detyrim ligjor q\u00eb i k\u00ebrkon atij ta zbatoj\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00ebndrim. N\u00ebse Vu\u00e7iqi nuk vepron k\u00ebshtu, zgjedhjet e ardhshme t\u00eb rregullta parlamentare jan\u00eb t\u00eb planifikuara t\u00eb mbahen n\u00eb shkurt t\u00eb vitit 2028.<\/p>\n

Mbetet e pasigurt n\u00ebse Serbia do t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme n\u00eb vitin 2026, teksa vendimi i Vu\u00e7iqit do t\u00eb varet nga disa faktor\u00eb, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kat\u00ebr jan\u00eb m\u00eb kryesor\u00ebt:<\/p>\n

1. Mb\u00ebshtetja publike dhe koha e mbajtjes s\u00eb zgjedhjeve<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Niveli i mb\u00ebshtetjes p\u00ebr Vu\u00e7iqin dhe SNS-n\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb faktori kryesor. N\u00ebse Vu\u00e7iqi beson se mb\u00ebshtetja publike dhe ajo brenda partis\u00eb jan\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb fuqishme p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar shumic\u00ebn parlamentare, at\u00ebher\u00eb ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjasa q\u00eb ai t\u00eb shpall\u00eb zgjedhjet.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr momentin, sondazhet nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb Vu\u00e7iqit. Mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr t\u00eb ka r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt q\u00eb nga vitit 2012 dhe, sipas shum\u00eb sondazheve<\/a>, ajo tani \u00ebsht\u00eb diku 30%, me nj\u00eb trend negativ.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb e besueshme se mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr Vu\u00e7iqin do t\u00eb rritet, n\u00ebse ai pret edhe m\u00eb gjat\u00eb. Marr\u00eb parasysh trendin aktual t\u00eb r\u00ebnies, shtyrja e zgjedhjeve mund t\u00eb rris\u00eb gjasat p\u00ebr humbje.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, koha nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb an\u00ebn e tij dhe zgjedhjet e parakohshme m\u00eb 2026 mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb opsioni i vet\u00ebm i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm n\u00ebse ai shpreson t\u00eb mbes\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet edhe p\u00ebr disa vite. Sfida p\u00ebr t\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb identifikimi i momentit q\u00eb u sh\u00ebrben m\u00eb s\u00eb miri interesave t\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

2. Presioni i brendsh\u00ebm<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Presioni i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm nga protestuesit \u00ebsht\u00eb shkaku kryesor pas mund\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr zgjedhje. N\u00ebse ky momentum humbet, nxitja p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpallur zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme zvog\u00eblohet, teksa Qeveria do t\u00eb kishte pak arsye p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb nj\u00eb rrezik t\u00eb till\u00eb politik.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, protestat tashm\u00eb kan\u00eb goditur r\u00ebnd\u00eb Vu\u00e7iqin dhe SNS-n\u00eb, nj\u00eb goditje nga e cila do ta ken\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb rikuperohen plot\u00ebsisht.<\/p>\n

Mediat e lidhura me Qeverin\u00eb tashm\u00eb kan\u00eb nisur ta p\u00ebrdorin nj\u00eb taktik\u00eb t\u00eb njohur: margjinalizimin e protestuesve, duke tentuar ta nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb nj\u00eb narrativ\u00eb p\u00ebr ndarjet e brendshme midis student\u00ebve, profesor\u00ebve, aktivist\u00ebve, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve opozitar\u00eb dhe figurave t\u00eb tjera me ndikim.<\/p>\n

Q\u00ebllimi i k\u00ebsaj \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ohet ideja se l\u00ebvizja studentore \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb dhe e paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr ta sfiduar seriozisht Qeverin\u00eb, duke demotivuar mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e mundsh\u00ebm dhe duke dob\u00ebsuar ndikimin m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb politik t\u00eb protest\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

3. Tensionet gjeopolitike<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Vu\u00e7iqi mund t\u2019i shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb tensionet globale gjeopolitike n\u00eb favor t\u00eb tij. N\u00ebse BE-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb e preokupuar me \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tjera m\u00eb urgjente, ai mund t\u00eb shtyj\u00eb p\u00ebrpara zgjedhjet e parakohshme, q\u00eb potencialisht mund t\u00eb karakterizohen me parregullsi, t\u00eb ngjashme me ato q\u00eb jan\u00eb par\u00eb<\/a> n\u00eb vitin 2023.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, marr\u00eb parasysh marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuara me Brukselin, nuk pritet q\u00eb BE-ja t\u2019i lejoj\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb pal\u00eb zgjedhje v\u00ebrtet t\u00eb kontestuara.<\/p>\n

Ky rrezik shtohet edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb, me BE-n\u00eb q\u00eb po e debaton ngrirjen<\/a> e fondeve t\u00eb para-an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb, teksa SNS-ja mbetet n\u00ebn hetim nga grupi i EPP-s\u00eb, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb \u00e7do manov\u00ebr t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme n\u00eb aspektin diplomatik dhe politik.<\/p>\n

4. Sinkronizimi i zgjedhjeve parlamentare dhe presidenciale<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Vu\u00e7iqi duket i p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb gar\u00ebn presidenciale t\u00eb vitit 2027. Meq\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb kandidoj\u00eb p\u00ebr mandatin e tret\u00eb dhe nuk ka nj\u00eb pasardh\u00ebs t\u00eb qart\u00eb n\u00eb SNS, ai mund t\u00eb jap\u00eb dor\u00ebheqje m\u00eb 2026 dhe t\u00eb kandidoj\u00eb p\u00ebr kryeminist\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Mbajtja e vet\u00ebm zgjedhjeve t\u00eb parakohshme parlamentare do t\u00eb ishte e rrezikshme politikisht, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb ai ka shum\u00eb gjasa q\u00eb, p\u00ebr ta zbutur rrezikun, t\u2019i sinkronizoj\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare dhe presidenciale.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb skenar, Vu\u00e7iqi do t\u2019i portretonte zgjedhjet si zgjedhje ekzistenciale me rrezik t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr publikun, duke k\u00ebrkuar ta polarizoj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb serbe me rritjen e propagand\u00ebs q\u00eb i paraqet student\u00ebt si tradhtar\u00eb, agjent\u00eb t\u00eb huaj dhe armiq t\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb ende her\u00ebt t\u00eb dihet n\u00ebse Serbia do t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme m\u00eb 2026. Megjithat\u00eb, dy zhvillime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha me gjas\u00eb do ta ndikojn\u00eb vendimin e Vu\u00e7iqit. Rezultati i zgjedhjeve lokale m\u00eb 29 mars n\u00eb n\u00ebnt\u00eb qytete, q\u00eb do ta testoj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e SNS-s\u00eb, dhe formimi ose jo i nj\u00eb fronti t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt nga partit\u00eb opozitare.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Pas m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb viti protestash n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequra nga student\u00ebt n\u00eb Serbi, Qeveria \u00ebsht\u00eb e tronditur n\u00eb palc\u00eb. N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 2025, Serbia formoi nj\u00eb qeveri t\u00eb re, pas dor\u00ebheqjes s\u00eb kryeministrit Vu\u00e7eviq. Me gjith\u00eb thirrjet p\u00ebrher\u00eb e n\u00eb rritje p\u00ebr zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme, presidenti Vu\u00e7iq k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguli se Qeveria […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":15,"featured_media":14024,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[1043,624,998,2529,12,2724,2568],"ppma_author":[25],"class_list":["post-14023","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-be","tag-kryesore","tag-politike","tag-qeveria-e-serbise","tag-serbia","tag-vuciq","tag-zgjedhje"],"authors":[{"term_id":25,"user_id":15,"is_guest":0,"slug":"milos-pavkovic","display_name":"Milo\u0161 Pavkovi\u0107","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/MP_cropped-150x150-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/MP_cropped-150x150-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Pavkovi\u0107","first_name":"Milo\u0161","description":"Milo\u0161 Pavkovi\u0107 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar politik me specializim n\u00eb rajonin e Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore, politik\u00ebn krahasuese, regjimet hibride dhe politik\u00ebn e BE-s\u00eb. Studimet bachelor dhe master p\u00ebr shkenca politike i kreu n\u00eb Universitetin e Beogradit. Ai kaloi nj\u00eb vit n\u00eb Universitetin e Grazit si student n\u00eb Erasmus dhe mbrojti tez\u00ebn e magjistratur\u00ebs (De)konsolidimi i shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb kontekstin e negociatave bashk\u00ebkohore nd\u00ebrmjet Qeverive t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs* dhe Serbis\u00eb. Ai kreu masterin e dyt\u00eb n\u00eb shkencat politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Evrop\u00ebs Qendrore (CEU). Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebautor i publikimit Elementet kryesore t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr p\u00ebrparimin n\u00eb normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Milo\u0161 aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i pun\u00ebsuar si studiues n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn e Politikave Evropiane (CEP), Beograd dhe sh\u00ebrben si Ambasador i Ri i Evrop\u00ebs n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14023","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/15"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14023"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14023\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14027,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14023\/revisions\/14027"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/14024"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14023"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14023"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14023"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=14023"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}