Reagimi i shteteve evropiane kundrejt kriz\u00ebs n\u00eb kufirin Ukrain\u00eb-Rusi, q\u00eb potencialisht mund t\u00eb precipitoj\u00eb n\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb hapur, \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft divers. Disa shtete kan\u00eb shprehur q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb but\u00eb ndaj l\u00ebvizjeve agresive t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb. Disa t\u00eb tjera kan\u00eb q\u00ebndrim m\u00eb t\u00eb vendosur dhe proaktiv. Dhe, n\u00eb jo pak raste, ka shtete me q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb heshtur! Duke qen\u00eb se k\u00ebto vende jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb rajoni, madje shum\u00eb nga to jan\u00eb gjithashtu t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshira n\u00eb struktura ku bashk\u00ebndajn\u00eb vlera t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta \u2013 si Bashkimi Evropian apo NATO-ja \u2013 pozicionime t\u00eb tilla, n\u00eb shikim t\u00eb par\u00eb, mund t\u00eb duken t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme. Por, kjo sjellje e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre t\u00eb jashtme \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb harmoni t\u00eb plot\u00eb me perceptimin q\u00eb k\u00ebto shtete kan\u00eb kundrejt k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve dhe rreziqeve potenciale q\u00eb cenojn\u00eb sigurin\u00eb dhe interesat e tyre nacionale. N\u00eb dokumentet e tyre m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme strategjike ku evidentohen prioritetet lidhur me k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet eventuale \u2013 si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb strategjia e siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare \u2013 jo n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha shtetet Rusia p\u00ebrb\u00ebn k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin kryesor p\u00ebr interesat vitale. P\u00ebr shtete si Polonia apo Finlanda, Rusia konsiderohet si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi kryesor dhe m\u00eb seriozi. Kurse, p\u00ebr shtete si Hungaria, Greqia apo Italia, Rusia nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn shqet\u00ebsim t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb; p\u00ebr to terrorizmi, emigrantet ilegal, trafikimi i narkotik\u00ebve etj. jan\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet kryesore.<\/p>\n
Si\u00e7 dihet nga historia, fundi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb e ndryshoj kat\u00ebr\u00e7ip\u00ebrisht sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar duke e transformuar at\u00eb nga \u201cbilateralizmi\u201d n\u00eb \u201cunilateralizem\u201d, me ShBA-n\u00eb si superfuqin\u00eb e vetme. K\u00ebto ndryshime strukturore q\u00eb ndikuan n\u00eb shk\u00ebrmoqjen e Bashkimit Sovjetik n\u00eb pes\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb republika t\u00eb pavarura (duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu edhe Rusin\u00eb), domosdo q\u00eb modifikuan rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht hierarkin\u00eb e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve p\u00ebr shtetet e Evrop\u00ebs. Karakteristik\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore infrastruktur\u00ebs s\u00eb siguris\u00eb evropiane pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb ishte mungesa e nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi t\u00eb madh konvencional t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbente edhe si element koheziv dhe unifikues p\u00ebr to. S\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi, dol\u00ebn n\u00eb pah mosp\u00ebrputhje n\u00eb orientimet strategjike \u2013 q\u00eb reflektoheshin n\u00eb vendimet politike dhe dokumentet zyrtare po ashtu \u2013 sa i p\u00ebrket perceptimeve p\u00ebr rreziqet e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet potenciale p\u00ebr interesat e tyre nacionale. K\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet shtet\u00ebrore konvencionale nuk ishin m\u00eb prioritet p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn e k\u00ebtyre shteteve. Vendin e tyre e zun\u00eb\u00a0k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet jo-konvencionale<\/a>\u00a0si terrorizmi trans-nacional, krimi i organizuar, p\u00ebrhapja e arm\u00ebve t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrimit n\u00eb mas\u00eb, emigrimi ilegal, apo edhe ndryshimet klimatike, sulmet kibernetike dhe, s\u00eb fundi, edhe pandemit\u00eb globale.<\/p>\n Me pushtimin dhe aneksimin e Krimes\u00eb nga ana e Rusis\u00eb me 2014, situata ndryshoi thelb\u00ebsisht. Supozimi i shteteve evropiane i cili mb\u00ebshtetej n\u00eb postulate idealiste t\u00eb\u00a0fundit t\u00eb historis\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0doli t\u00eb ishte i pabaz\u00eb. Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, realiteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i dha fund \u00ebndrrave liberale evropiane. Pretendimi se epoka e ndryshimeve territoriale p\u00ebrmes forc\u00ebs ushtarake n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn evropiane kishte marr\u00eb fund nuk ekzistonte m\u00eb. Por, paradoksalisht, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb nj\u00eb veprim i till\u00eb revizionist dhe agresiv nga ana e Rusis\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbente si element p\u00ebrbashkues p\u00ebr vendet e Evrop\u00ebs, n\u00eb shum\u00eb nga k\u00ebto shtete, ndodhi e kund\u00ebrta. Divergjencat n\u00eb perceptimin e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve n\u00eb mesin e vendeve evropiane vet\u00ebm sa u thelluan edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb, duke u karakterizuar nga nj\u00eb paaft\u00ebsi evidente nga k\u00ebto qeveri se si t\u00eb trajtohej Rusia n\u00eb raport me rreziqet dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet tjera potenciale.<\/p>\n Rusia si partner ekonomik<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n P\u00ebr shtete si Italia apo edhe Greqia duket se, q\u00eb nga shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e Bashkimit Sovjetik, Rusia nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn breng\u00eb t\u00eb posa\u00e7me n\u00eb vler\u00ebsimet e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve komb\u00ebtare. Domosdo q\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb reflektohet n\u00eb dokumentet e tyre kryesore strategjike. K\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet\u00a0jo-konvencionale<\/a>\u00a0si terrorizmi transnacional, mungesa e stabilitetit n\u00eb rajonin e Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme dhe Afrik\u00ebs Veriore, krimi i organizuar, fushatat dezinformuese p\u00ebrmes lajmeve t\u00eb rreme, emigracioni ilegal apo edhe epidemit\u00eb e pandemit\u00eb konsiderohen nd\u00ebr prioritetet kryesore p\u00ebr k\u00ebto vende.<\/p>\n N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, Italia prej koh\u00ebsh ka ndjekur nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cangazhimit t\u00eb thell\u00eb\u201d me Mosk\u00ebn. Studiuesit Mitchell Orenstein dhe Daniel Kelemen e\u00a0portretizojn\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0Italin\u00eb si nj\u00eb nder \u201ckuajt e Troj\u00ebs\u201d q\u00eb Moska ka brenda BE-s\u00eb. Q\u00eb nga fillimi i agresionit t\u00eb Putinit kund\u00ebr Ukrain\u00ebs m\u00eb 2014, Italia shfaqi\u00a0ngurrim<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb hapur lidhur me vendosjen e sanksioneve ekonomike. Kur Bashkimi Evropian kishte imponuar sanksione Rusis\u00eb, duke e kusht\u00ebzuar heqjen e tyre me zbatimin e \u201cMarr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Minskit\u201d q\u00eb u arrit pas aneksimit t\u00eb Krimes\u00eb, raportet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare evidentuan nj\u00eb gatishm\u00ebri t\u00eb Italis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb hequr k\u00ebto sanksione pa ndonj\u00eb progres t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm n\u00eb zbatimin e marr\u00ebveshjes. Pak vite m\u00eb von\u00eb ishte\u00a0pozicionimi<\/a>\u00a0i Italis\u00eb q\u00eb e pengoj BE-n\u00eb t\u00eb miratonte sanksione t\u00eb m\u00ebtejme p\u00ebr bombardimin brutal t\u00eb Alepos n\u00eb Siri t\u00eb kryer nga ushtria ruse. Ish-Kryeministri italian,\u00a0Matteo Renzi<\/a>, ishte lideri i par\u00eb nga nj\u00eb shtet i madh evropian q\u00eb e vizitoj Kremlinin pas aneksimit t\u00eb Krimes\u00eb. N\u00eb vitin 2015 Hungaria, Italia, Greqia dhe Qipro u portretizuan nga\u00a0K\u00ebshilli<\/a>\u00a0p\u00ebr \u00c7\u00ebshtje Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare i Rusis\u00eb, institut hulumtues (think-tank) rus ky i af\u00ebrt me qeverin\u00eb, si vende n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat Rusia gjen kushte t\u00eb favorshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb avancuar dhe thelluar pozicionin e saj brenda BE-s\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb raport Italia konsiderohet si \u201cpartner strategjik\u201d, kurse Hungaria si nj\u00eb \u201cmik pragmatist\u201d i\u00a0Rusis\u00eb<\/a>.<\/p>\n Studiuesi Aldo Ferrarri, ekspert i Rusis\u00eb dhe profesor universitar, konstaton se Italia \u00ebsht\u00eb ndoshta vendi m\u00eb i af\u00ebrt me Rusin\u00eb, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb lidhjeve ekonomike dhe kulturore mes tyre. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, \u201cPirelli<\/a>\u201d, prodhues gomash, ka dy fabrika n\u00eb Rusi. Nd\u00ebrsa \u201cEni\u201d, kompani italiane e naft\u00ebs dhe gazit, ka investuar masivisht n\u00eb Rusi, duke mbajtur lidhje t\u00eb ngushta me gjigantin e gazit \u201cGazprom\u201d, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb partneri i tij n\u00eb tubacionin e gazit \u201cRrjedha Blu\u201d (Blue Stream<\/a>) q\u00eb lidh Rusin\u00eb me Turqin\u00eb. Bankat m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha italiane, \u201cIntesa Sanpaolo\u201d dhe \u201cUniCredit\u201d, gjithashtu kan\u00eb prezenc\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb Rusi.<\/p>\n Megjithat\u00eb, duket se Rusia nuk do t\u00eb marr\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn p\u00ebrkrahje nga Italia sikurse n\u00eb vitin 2014. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr raporteve t\u00eb\u00a0ngushta<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb mes t\u00eb industris\u00eb s\u00eb energjis\u00eb ruse dhe bizneseve italiane, si dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb af\u00ebrta politike q\u00eb nga Lufta e Ftoht\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat kulmuan n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn kur kryeminist\u00ebr ishte Silvio\u00a0Berlusconi<\/a>\u00a0\u2013 i cili e kishte mb\u00ebshtetur aneksimin e Krimes\u00eb duke e vler\u00ebsuar si veprim \u201ctejet demokratik\u201d \u2013 Kryeministri Mario Draghi n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb mandatit kishte vler\u00ebsuar se p\u00ebr Italin\u00eb aleanca transatlantike ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb rend\u00ebsi s\u00eb sa\u00a0Putini<\/a>. Ai s\u00eb fundi deklaroj se Evrop\u00ebs i mungojn\u00eb mjetet ushtarake t\u00eb nevojshme t\u00eb frenuar\u00a0Rusin\u00eb<\/a>. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shenj\u00eb e qart\u00eb se p\u00ebr Qeverin\u00eb italiane, s\u00eb paku n\u00eb vitet e fundit, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 q\u00eb si partner i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm ekonomik, Rusia ka filluar t\u00eb shihet edhe si k\u00ebrcenim p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb evropiane.<\/p>\n K\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet jo-konvencionale si prioritet strategjik<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Franca vler\u00ebson se Rusia \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim, por k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet tjera jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. N\u00eb\u00a0dokumentin<\/a>\u00a0strategjik t\u00eb mbrojtjes dhe siguris\u00eb nacionale, Qeveria Franceze konstaton se\u00a0terrorizmi xhihadist<\/a>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb \u201ck\u00ebrcenim imediat\u201d, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht kur merret n\u00eb konsiderate rritja e numrit t\u00eb sulmeve terroriste q\u00eb nga viti 2010. Ky vend gjithashtu \u00ebsht\u00eb i shqet\u00ebsuar me paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb rajonin e Afrik\u00ebs Veriore dhe Lindjes s\u00eb\u00a0Mesme<\/a>. V\u00ebmendje e posa\u00e7me n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dokument strategjik i kushtohet Afrik\u00ebs n\u00ebn-Saharine. Edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb historis\u00eb q\u00eb ka me ato vende, Franca \u00ebsht\u00eb e interesuar n\u00eb stabilitetin e k\u00ebtij rajoni sepse me t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhen shum\u00eb interesa ekonomike dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb.<\/p>\n Pas aneksimit t\u00eb Krimes\u00eb nga Rusia, edhe pse Franca ka filluar t\u00eb shfaq\u00a0shqet\u00ebsim<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb rritje ndaj sjelljes s\u00eb Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, megjithat\u00eb \u2013 sipas dokumenteve strategjike t\u00eb k\u00ebtij shteti \u2013 k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet tjera vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb mbeten m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Presidenti francez, Emmanuel Macron, ishte lideri i par\u00eb i nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm evropian q\u00eb takoi Putinin, q\u00eb kur Rusia grumbulloj trupat ushtarake pran\u00eb kufirit me Ukrain\u00ebn. Ndryshe nga udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e ShBA-s\u00eb dhe Britanis\u00eb, Macron deri m\u00eb tash ka minimizuar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb Rusia s\u00eb shpejti t\u00eb pushtoj\u00eb\u00a0Ukrain\u00ebn<\/a>.<\/p>\n Barasvlera e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar konsideron se Rusia dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet tjera kan\u00eb af\u00ebrsisht t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn relevanc\u00eb. Bazuar n\u00eb dokumentin kryesor\u00a0strategjik<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb k\u00ebtij shteti, n\u00eb nivelin e par\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve, nder t\u00eb tjera, p\u00ebrfshihen terrorizimi, sulmet kibernetike, sh\u00ebndeti publik dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi nga Rusia. Duke marr\u00eb p\u00ebr baz\u00eb sjelljen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb agresive t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb\u00a0dokument<\/a>\u00a0vler\u00ebsohet se rreziqet dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet q\u00eb shkaktohen nga shtetet jan\u00eb rritur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse, andaj Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtoj mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb Moska, n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme t\u00eb parashikueshme, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr veprime agresive kund\u00ebr shteteve aleate t\u00eb NATO-s. Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, ky shtet e sheh terrorizmin transnacional si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim po aq thelb\u00ebsor. Politikb\u00ebr\u00ebsit britanik\u00eb kan\u00eb perceptuar nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim n\u00eb rritje nga terrorizmi q\u00eb nga shp\u00ebrthimet e Londr\u00ebs n\u00eb 2005. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar kishte tensionuar duksh\u00ebm marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me Rusin\u00eb q\u00eb nga vrasja e disa disident\u00ebve rus n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr n\u00eb vitin 2006, q\u00eb supozohet t\u00eb jet\u00eb kryer nga sh\u00ebrbimi sekret rus.<\/p>\n Sa i p\u00ebrket kriz\u00ebs aktuale,\u00a0q\u00ebndrimi<\/a>\u00a0i Mbret\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Bashkuar \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb harmoni t\u00eb plot\u00eb me q\u00ebndrimin e ShBA-s\u00eb. Derisa forcat ruse vazhdonin t\u00eb grumbulloheshin p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb kufirit ukrainas, ky shtet zotohej se do d\u00ebrgonte m\u00eb shum\u00eb ushtar\u00eb t\u00eb saj n\u00eb rajon p\u00ebr t\u00eb penguar nj\u00eb pushtim t\u00eb\u00a0mundsh\u00ebm<\/a>. Nj\u00eb pozicion i till\u00eb i k\u00ebtij shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb harmoni t\u00eb plot\u00eb m\u00eb dokumentet e tyre strategjike t\u00eb siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare dhe perceptimin q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruhet aty kundrejt Rusis\u00eb si k\u00ebrcenim serioz dhe q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb merret n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb.<\/p>\n Strategjia \u201cedhe-edhe\u201d<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n Edhe Gjermania i konsideron terrorizmin dhe Rusin\u00eb si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb af\u00ebrsisht t\u00eb\u00a0nj\u00ebjt\u00eb<\/a>. Sipas dokumentit kryesor strategjik t\u00eb k\u00ebtij vendi, sulmet terroriste p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb sfid\u00eb imediate p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e Gjermanis\u00eb. Radikalizmi i luft\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb kthyer nga zonat e kriz\u00ebs dhe konfliktit n\u00eb Gjermani \u2013 dhe shtete t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb \u2013 n\u00ebnkupton se ky rrezik \u00ebsht\u00eb vazhdimisht n\u00eb rritje. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, Gjermania e sheh Rusin\u00eb si vend q\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb hapur v\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje rendin evropian t\u00eb paqes, me gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb e saj q\u00eb p\u00ebrmes forc\u00ebs ushtarake t\u00eb shtyj p\u00ebrpara interesat e veta q\u00eb kan\u00eb si synim \u201crishikimin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme t\u00eb kufijve t\u00eb garantuar me t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, si\u00e7 ka b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb Krime dhe Ukrain\u00ebn Lindore\u201d. Mir\u00ebpo, ka\u00a0studiues<\/a>\u00a0q\u00eb kan\u00eb identifikuar kakofoni n\u00eb vler\u00ebsimin e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Jashtme gjermane, Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Brendshme dhe Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Mbrojtjes. Derisa dy t\u00eb parat e konsiderojn\u00eb terrorizmin si sfid\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb siguris\u00eb p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb, kjo e fundit i jep prioritet Rusis\u00eb. Duhet theksuar se para\u00a0aneksimit<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb Krimes\u00eb Gjermania kishte raporte shum\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrta me Rusin\u00eb, duke mb\u00ebshtetur at\u00eb n\u00eb zhvillimin e infrastruktur\u00ebs, industrive tjera, madje edhe asaj ushtarake dhe duke intensifikuar investimet n\u00eb shum\u00eb fusha. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, gjat\u00eb kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 2014 Kancelaria\u00a0Merkel<\/a>\u00a0mbante kontakte t\u00eb ngushta me Putinin, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, n\u00eb mars t\u00eb atij viti, i deklaronte Presidentit Obama se Putin e kishte humbur fare arsyen dhe duket se \u201cjeton n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb tjet\u00ebr\u201d.<\/p>\n Gjermania vler\u00ebsohet t\u00eb jet\u00eb vendi me q\u00ebndrimin m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebt, mes shteteve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha per\u00ebndimore, q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb vendosur agresionin rus ndaj Ukrain\u00ebs. Ky shtet ka refuzuar t\u2019i bashkohet SHBA-s\u00eb dhe Britanis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe n\u00eb eksportimin e\u00a0arm\u00ebve<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb. Gatishm\u00ebria e Gjermanis\u00eb p\u00ebr dhuruar\u00a05000<\/a>\u00a0helmeta u kritikua nga ambasadori ukrainas si vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb \u201cgjest i thjesht\u00eb simbolik\u201d. N\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb Qeveria gjermane \u00ebsht\u00eb zotuar t\u00eb d\u00ebrgoj nj\u00eb spital fushor n\u00eb Estoni dhe ka njoftuar se do t\u00eb vendos 350 trupa n\u00eb Lituani, p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcuar nj\u00eb grup t\u00eb ushtar\u00ebve t\u00eb NATO-s q\u00eb tashm\u00eb jan\u00eb\u00a0atje<\/a>. Gjermania \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb jo t\u00eb favorshme p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb pushtimi potencial rus t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs duke synuar t\u00eb mbaj nj\u00eb politik\u00eb q\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb postulatin \u201cedhe-edhe\u201d. Ky vend n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0edhe<\/em>\u00a0an\u00ebtare e NATO-s, por\u00a0edhe<\/em>\u00a0partnere e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme tregtare e Rusis\u00eb. Berlini ka deklaruar vazhdimisht mb\u00ebshtetjen p\u00ebr sovranitetin ukrainas \u2013 gj\u00eb q\u00eb shprehet edhe n\u00eb dokumentet strategjike t\u00eb siguris\u00eb \u2013 por ka qen\u00eb pak entuziast p\u00ebr gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb eventuale p\u00ebr t\u00eb braktisur gazsjell\u00ebsin e diskutuesh\u00ebm \u201cNord Stream 2<\/a>\u201d.<\/p>\n Ankthi permanent<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Polonia, shtetet baltike dhe Finlanda shfaqin preokupimin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb.\u00a0Tri<\/a>\u00a0vendet q\u00eb ishin pjes\u00eb e Bashkimit Sovjetik t\u00eb rajonit t\u00eb Baltikut \u2013 Estonia, Letonia dhe Lituania \u2013 vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet konvencionale ushtarake t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb si brengen kryesore t\u00eb siguris\u00eb s\u00eb tyre nacionale. Duke marr\u00eb n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb historin\u00eb e pushtimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur nga fuqit\u00eb e huaja por edhe pozicionin gjeografik, Polonia gjithashtu e ka v\u00ebn\u00eb vazhdimisht Rusin\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimeve t\u00eb saj t\u00eb siguris\u00eb q\u00eb nga p\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb. Pra, shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e Bashkimit Sovjetik p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb vend nuk ka n\u00ebnkuptuar automatikisht edhe eliminimin e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit potencial q\u00eb nj\u00eb dit\u00eb mund t\u00eb vjen nga Rusia. N\u00eb\u00a0Strategjin\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0e Siguris\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij shteti, t\u00eb botuar n\u00eb 2020, qysh n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb saj n\u00ebnvizohet fakti se k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi m\u00eb serioz p\u00ebr Polonin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cpolitika neo-imperialiste e Rusis\u00eb e shtyr\u00eb p\u00ebrpara p\u00ebrmes forc\u00ebs ushtarake\u201d. Sipas k\u00ebtij\u00a0dokumenti<\/a>\u00a0strategjik, Moska p\u00ebrmes k\u00ebsaj politike agresive synon q\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb destabilizoj rendin e brendsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shteteve dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebr n\u00eb dyshim integritetin e tyre territorial\u201d. K\u00ebto shtete kishin paralajm\u00ebruar prej koh\u00ebsh p\u00ebr k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga Rusia n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e Presidentit Putin. Por, si duket, paralajm\u00ebrimet e tyre nuk ishin n\u00eb simfoni me interesat ekonomike, lidhjet kulturore apo lajthitjet strategjike t\u00eb shum\u00eb vendeve tjera evropiane.<\/p>\n Domosdoja e rishikimit t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n Nga analiza e m\u00ebsip\u00ebrme del n\u00eb pah fakti se, n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve, ekziston korrelacion n\u00eb mes t\u00eb sjelljes dhe q\u00ebndrimit q\u00eb kan\u00eb shtetet evropiane kundrejt agresionit rus ndaj Ukrain\u00ebs dhe perceptimit q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruhet n\u00eb dokumentet e tyre strategjike p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrcenim potencial p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb dhe interesat e tyre nacionale. Jan\u00eb disa faktor\u00eb q\u00eb luajn\u00eb rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e k\u00ebsaj lidhjeje shkak\u00ebsore. E para ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn historike mes Rusis\u00eb dhe disa prej shteteve si dhe pozit\u00ebn e tyre gjeopolitike. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, shtete si Polonia, Finlanda apo Shtetet Baltike e konsiderojn\u00eb Rusin\u00eb si k\u00ebrcenim serioz p\u00ebr interesat e tyre komb\u00ebtare q\u00eb nga p\u00ebrfundimi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb. Si duket ato kishin marr\u00eb leksionet e nevojshme nga historia dhe nuk ishin entuziazmuar edhe aq me shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen e Bashkimit Sovjet, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb ndikonte n\u00eb ndryshimin e perceptimit p\u00ebr k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin potencial rus. Natyrisht, ky q\u00ebndrim mb\u00ebshtetet mbi premisa racionale dhe fakte kok\u00ebforta nga e kaluara. Shtetet Baltike, q\u00eb kishin qen\u00eb t\u00eb pavarura n\u00eb mes t\u00eb dy luft\u00ebrave bot\u00ebrore, u aneksuan nga Kremlini n\u00eb\u00a01940<\/a>. Nd\u00ebrsa, me\u00a01939<\/a>\u00a0BRSS-ja kishte pushtuar nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb territorit t\u00eb Polonis\u00eb. Pra, vendet q\u00eb vuajt\u00ebn n\u00ebn regjimin sovjetik e kuptojn\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin e Rusis\u00eb dhe nuhasin potencialin destruktiv t\u00eb k\u00ebtij shteti.<\/p>\n E dyta, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e ngushta tregtare dhe ekonomike, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura me aspektet kulturore apo edhe me raportet e af\u00ebrta nd\u00ebrpersonale t\u00eb lider\u00ebve, kan\u00eb influencuar q\u00eb shtete si Italia, Greqia apo edhe Hungaria t\u00eb mos e konsiderojn\u00eb Rusin\u00eb si k\u00ebrcenim p\u00ebr interesat e tyre nacionale. K\u00ebto shtete, dhe jo vet\u00ebm ato, n\u00eb dokumentet e tyre strategjike konsiderojn\u00eb se k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet jo-konvencionale jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme dhe s\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi atyre duhet t\u2019i jepet prioritet.<\/p>\n E treta, rreshtimet n\u00eb aleanca strategjike me shtete si ShBA-ja \u2013 si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti me Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar \u2013 apo edhe fakti se disa shtete jan\u00eb faktor\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb struktura multinacionale t\u00eb siguris\u00eb si NATO-ja, ka ndikuar q\u00eb shtete si Franca apo edhe Gjermania, krahas k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve jo-konvencionale, t\u00eb portretizojn\u00eb edhe Rusin\u00eb si k\u00ebrcenim p\u00ebr interesat e tyre. Nd\u00ebr k\u00ebto tri shtete, pozicioni i Gjermanis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb delikati. Ministrit\u00eb e ndryshme t\u00eb Qeveris\u00eb Gjermane kan\u00eb dallime n\u00eb perceptimin q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb si k\u00ebrcenim potencial. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, raportet ekonomike t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb me Rusin\u00eb, sidomos n\u00eb industrin\u00eb e energjis\u00eb, jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrta, p\u00ebrderisa e nj\u00ebjta \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtare e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e NATO-s.<\/p>\n Nd\u00ebrsa shum\u00eb shtete n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb pandemis\u00eb e konsideronin p\u00ebrpalljen me virusin e panjohur Covid-19 si nj\u00eb \u201cluft\u00eb\u201d, Kriza n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb i rikujtoj atyre se si mund t\u00eb duket lufta e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb kjo i b\u00ebri t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb se paqja n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, dhe jo vet\u00ebm, nuk duhet t\u00eb merret si nj\u00eb gjendje mir\u00ebqen\u00eb dhe dominuese n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebtu p\u00ebr t\u00eb q\u00ebndruar deri n\u00eb p\u00ebrjet\u00ebsi, dhe se lufta \u2013 edhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb rajon t\u00eb konsoliduar e stabil si Evropa \u2013 nuk duhet t\u00eb konsiderohet krejt\u00ebsisht e paimagjinueshme. Andaj, duket se p\u00ebr shum\u00eb shtete evropiane ka ardhur koha q\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb thelb\u00ebsisht politikat e tyre t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. Kriza n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs dhe Rusis\u00eb p\u00ebrben edhe nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr to p\u00ebr t\u00eb rishikuar orientimet strategjike n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me ndryshimet strukturore t\u00eb sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, duke i rirreshtuar k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet potenciale p\u00ebr interesat e tyre nacionale, ku Rusia identifikohet nder k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet m\u00eb serioze.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Reagimi i shteteve evropiane kundrejt kriz\u00ebs n\u00eb kufirin Ukrain\u00eb-Rusi, q\u00eb potencialisht mund t\u00eb precipitoj\u00eb n\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb hapur, \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft divers. Disa shtete kan\u00eb shprehur q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb but\u00eb ndaj l\u00ebvizjeve agresive t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb. Disa t\u00eb tjera kan\u00eb q\u00ebndrim m\u00eb t\u00eb vendosur dhe proaktiv. Dhe, n\u00eb jo pak raste, ka shtete me q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb heshtur! Duke […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":402,"featured_media":1405,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[712,548,643],"ppma_author":[688],"class_list":["post-1404","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-history","tag-politics","tag-russia"],"authors":[{"term_id":688,"user_id":402,"is_guest":0,"slug":"alfred-marleku","display_name":"Alfred Marleku","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Marleku","first_name":"Alfred","description":"Alfred Marleku ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet bachelor, master dhe ato t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenca politike. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin \u201cUBT\u201d, Fakultetin e Shkencave Politike.\r\n\r\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet ka punuar si menaxher i projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb financuara nga Komisioni Evropian, USAID-i, Ambasada Amerikane etj., t\u00eb cilat fokusohen, kryesisht, n\u00eb reformat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim (R&D); kthimin e trurit; zhvillimin e plan-programeve n\u00eb harmoni me nevojat e tregut etj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik si k\u00ebshilltar politik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1404","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/402"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1404"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1404\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1406,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1404\/revisions\/1406"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1405"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1404"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1404"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1404"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1404"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}