{"id":1455,"date":"2021-07-13T16:09:18","date_gmt":"2021-07-13T15:09:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=1455"},"modified":"2023-12-11T15:07:05","modified_gmt":"2023-12-11T14:07:05","slug":"historia-komplekse-e-marredhenieve-kosove-rusi-iv","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/historia-komplekse-e-marredhenieve-kosove-rusi-iv\/","title":{"rendered":"Historia komplekse e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Kosov\u00eb-Rusi (IV)"},"content":{"rendered":"

Historiku i zyrave diplomatike ruse n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe vizita e Lavrovit n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Faza finale e Rezolut\u00ebs 1244 parashikonte zgjidhjen e statusit politik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebr ta \u00e7uar pun\u00ebn deri n\u00eb fund, ishte riaktivizuar Grupi i Kontaktit p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. Ministrat e Jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb Grupit t\u00eb Kontaktit, pjes\u00eb e t\u00eb cilit ishte edhe ministri i Jasht\u00ebm rus, Sergei Lavrov, kishin p\u00ebrcaktuar tashm\u00eb n\u00eb n\u00ebntor t\u00eb 2005 tri parimet themelore p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e statusit final t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, q\u00eb ishin: nuk ka kthim t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs para vitit 1999, nuk ka ndarje t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe nuk ka bashkim t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me ndonj\u00eb vend tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb n\u00ebntorit t\u00eb vitit 2005 Lavrov kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb hap t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm. \u00c7udit\u00ebrisht, at\u00eb q\u00eb diplomacia ruse gjat\u00eb viteve \u201990-ta kishte hezituar ta b\u00ebj\u00eb, pra q\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00eb kontakte direkte me lider\u00ebt politik\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Pra, duke e d\u00ebgjuar vet\u00ebm versionin e Beogradit p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb motivuar nga aspekti etnik, religjioz e kulturor, Rusia nuk vepronte, at\u00eb q\u00eb shtetet per\u00ebndimore tashm\u00eb e b\u00ebnin prej vitesh – v\u00ebnien e kontakteve me t\u00eb gjitha pal\u00ebt e nj\u00eb konflikti. Pavar\u00ebsisht k\u00ebtij hapi, politika ruse ende sot nuk merr parasysh vuajtjet e popullat\u00ebs shqiptare t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Lavrov vizitoi Kosov\u00ebn m\u00eb 7 n\u00ebntor 2005. P\u00ebrpos takimit me kryeadministratorin e UNMIK-ut, Soren Jessen-Petersen, ai u takua edhe me Presidentin Rugova, duke sh\u00ebnuar nj\u00eb nga takimet m\u00eb t\u00eb larta nd\u00ebrmjet Mosk\u00ebs dhe Prishtin\u00ebs. Lavrov nuk kishte hezituar ta takoj\u00eb Presidentin Rugova n\u00eb rezidenc\u00eb, pas diagnostifikimit t\u00eb tij me kancer. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtij takimi, ministri Lavrov kishte shprehur q\u00ebndrimin e shtetit t\u00eb tij, se Rusia do t\u00eb respektoj\u00eb bisedimet e udh\u00ebhequra nga Ahtisaari dhe Rohan, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ishin ngarkuar nga Sekretari i P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara, Kofi Annan.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj vizite n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, Lavrov kishte marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb ceremonin\u00eb e hapjes s\u00eb Zyr\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrlidh\u00ebse Ruse n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, koh\u00ebn e hapjes e t\u00eb cil\u00ebs Lavrov e p\u00ebrshkruante si t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur kishin filluar p\u00ebrgatitjet p\u00ebr nisjen e bisedimeve p\u00ebr statusin final t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. E n\u00eb hapjen solemne t\u00eb Zyr\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrlidh\u00ebse Ruse, Lavrov shoq\u00ebrohej nga kryeministri i Kosov\u00ebs, Bajram Kosumi dhe shefi i UNMIK-ut Soren Jesen Petersen. Por, n\u00eb lidhje me hapjen e Zyr\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrlidh\u00ebse ruse n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, ka edhe nj\u00eb fakt tjet\u00ebr historik.<\/p>\n

Misioni i par\u00eb diplomatik rus n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs ishte hapur n\u00eb Prizren (N\u00ebn-konsullat\u00eb) n\u00eb vitin 1866, gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs kur Kosova ishte n\u00ebn pushtimin osman. N\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb shtrirjes s\u00eb ndikimi rus n\u00eb Ballkan dhe me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb mbrojtjes s\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb krishter\u00ebve n\u00eb Perandorin\u00eb Osmane ishin hapur edhe dy misione tjera konsullore n\u00eb Vilajetin e Kosov\u00ebs, nj\u00eb n\u00eb Shkup n\u00eb 1880 dhe n\u00eb Mitrovic\u00eb n\u00eb 1903. E vet\u00ebm gjasht\u00eb muaj pas hapjes s\u00eb misionit konsullor rus n\u00eb Mitrovic\u00eb, pason hapja e asaj austro-hungareze.<\/p>\n

Lavrov \u00ebsht\u00eb aktualisht nj\u00eb nga ministrat e Jasht\u00ebm me nj\u00eb karrier\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb diplomatike. Pas 32 vite sh\u00ebrbimi n\u00eb MPJ, Lavrov u ftua nga presidenti rus n\u00eb vitin 2004 ta marr\u00eb drejtimin e diplomacis\u00eb ruse, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin ai sh\u00ebrbente q\u00eb nga viti 1972. Por, para se t\u00eb em\u00ebrohej minist\u00ebr, ai nga viti 1994 kishte sh\u00ebrbyer si ambasador rus n\u00eb Kombet e Bashkuara. Duke i ndjekur zhvillimet politike n\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen e Jugosllavis\u00eb e sidomos gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs dhe bisedimeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr arritjen e marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Daytonit, Lavrov mbarte me veti nj\u00eb eksperienc\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme diplomatike dhe nj\u00eb nga ambasador\u00ebt e vet\u00ebm n\u00eb K\u00ebshill t\u00eb Sigurimit t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara, i cili m\u00eb von\u00eb do t\u00eb merret edhe me intervenimin e NATO-s n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs (1992-1995), q\u00ebndrimi rus ishte p\u00ebrshkruar nga shumica e diplomat\u00ebve dhe politikan\u00ebve per\u00ebndimor\u00eb si tejet konstruktiv. Nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb till\u00eb konstruktive p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn shihej edhe n\u00eb gjykimin e ish ministrit t\u00eb Jasht\u00ebm gjerman, Joschka Fischer (n\u00eb librin \u201cVitet kuq-gjelb\u00ebr. Politika e jashtme gjermane – nga Kosova e deri m\u00eb 11 shtator\u201d<\/em>). Mir\u00ebpo, ky konstruktivitet ishte venituar gjat\u00eb intervenimit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, duke e kthyer Lavrovin nj\u00eb nga z\u00ebrat m\u00eb oponent t\u00eb k\u00ebtij intervenimi.<\/p>\n

Strobe Talbott, n\u00eb librin e tij t\u00eb lartcekur e p\u00ebrshkruante rolin e Lavrovit n\u00eb hartimin e rezolut\u00ebs 1244 si pengues, ngaq\u00eb i \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur edhe presidentit Clinton gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb bisede telefonike me presidentin Jeltsin m\u00eb 7 qershor 1999, ta paralajm\u00ebroj\u00eb at\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201ctaktikat e Lavrovit n\u00eb Kombet e Bashkuara\u201d, ku Lavrov e v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsonte procesin duke mos u pajtuar me tekstin e rezolut\u00ebs. Gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb m\u00ebvonshme, Lavrov me paraqitjet e tij n\u00eb K\u00ebshill t\u00eb Sigurimit mbahet mend p\u00ebr kritikat e tij jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb pal\u00ebs kosovare, por edhe t\u00eb pun\u00ebs s\u00eb misionit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nga partner konstruktiv n\u00eb bllokues e agresor<\/strong><\/p>\n

Tri parimet themelore t\u00eb lartcekura p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e statusit final t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb n\u00ebntorit 2005 t\u00eb Grupit t\u00eb Kontaktit ishin b\u00ebr\u00eb tashm\u00eb t\u00eb shenjta p\u00ebr ekipin negociator nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (UNOSEK) t\u00eb drejtuar nga presidenti Ahtisaari dhe ambasadori Rohan. Dy nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuesit evropian\u00eb nuk kishin dyshim se ata do t\u00eb gjejn\u00eb nj\u00eb zgjidhje e cila do t\u2019i k\u00ebnaq\u00eb t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt konfliktuoze. Ahtisaari ishte pothuajse i vetmi lider q\u00eb kishte arritur t\u00eb \u201cnd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb paqe n\u00eb tri kontinente\u201d (Kofi Annan) e me mb\u00ebshtetjen e Rohanit, i cili ishte nj\u00eb referenc\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr zhvillimet n\u00eb Ballkan, hartimi i nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje do t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe m\u00eb i leht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb bisede t\u00eb Rohanit me autorin e k\u00ebtyre rreshtave, ai kishte shprehur bindjen e tij se Moska do ta mb\u00ebshteste planin e tyre, ngaq\u00eb Lavrov q\u00eb nga fillimi ishte mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebs i parimeve tashm\u00eb t\u00eb hartuara nga Grupi i Kontaktit. E diplomati rus Petr Ivantsov (aktualisht ambasador i Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb), i cili p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte q\u00ebndrimin e Mosk\u00ebs n\u00eb negociata, p\u00ebrkujdesej para s\u00eb gjithash p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejta m\u00eb t\u00eb privilegjuara p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Por, n\u00eb janar t\u00eb 2006 gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb takimi t\u00eb ministrave t\u00eb Jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb Grupit t\u00eb Kontaktit, ku Ahtisaari kishte elaboruar procesin e negociatave, Lavrov e kishte kapur thelbin. Ai pyet Ahtisaarin, \u201ckjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se rus\u00ebt duhet ta pranojn\u00eb pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs?\u201d. Lavrov propozon \u201cndryshimin e k\u00ebsaj pike\u201d. E Ahtisaari i kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigjet se \u201cq\u00eb kur ju keni premtuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahni k\u00ebt\u00eb proces, un\u00eb jam duke ju treguar juve se \u00e7far\u00eb ju duhet b\u00ebni\u201d. Ahtisaari e kishte fjal\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb e pranuar p\u00ebr 90 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe rus\u00ebt e dinin k\u00ebt\u00eb. Muaj m\u00eb von\u00eb Lavrov ia kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb me dije Ahtisaarit se Moska nuk ka n\u00eb plan t\u2019i detyroj\u00eb serb\u00ebt p\u00ebr ta pranuar marr\u00ebveshjen.<\/p>\n

Mb\u00ebshtetje ruse ishe e nevojshme jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019i bindur serb\u00ebt, por edhe p\u00ebr vot\u00ebn e tyre n\u00eb K\u00ebshill t\u00eb Sigurimit. Gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb takimi me lider\u00ebt e Troik\u00ebs evropiane n\u00eb Sochi, Putin thuhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb shprehur i shokuar me q\u00ebndrimin e evropian\u00ebve ndaj marr\u00ebveshjes dhe p\u00ebr ngutin\u00eb e Per\u00ebndimit p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. Problemi real i Rusis\u00eb nuk ishte Kosova e as Ahtisaari, problemi themelor ishte Per\u00ebndimi dhe ndryshimet gjeopolitike e gjeostrategjike q\u00eb tashm\u00eb kishin marr\u00eb tat\u00ebpjet\u00ebn. E disa prej tyre jan\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme t\u00eb vihen n\u00ebn llup\u00eb analitike, ku Kosova ishte efekt an\u00ebsor.<\/p>\n

E para lidhet domosdoshm\u00ebrisht me ardhjen n\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb presidentit Putin. Gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb para t\u00eb qeverisjes s\u00eb tij, ai ishte p\u00ebrpjekur p\u00ebr krijimin e raporteve t\u00eb af\u00ebrta me SHBA-t\u00eb dhe BE-n\u00eb dhe k\u00ebto vite \u201cjan\u00eb vite t\u00eb q\u00ebndrimeve konstruktive t\u00eb presidentit Putin\u201d, deklaroi Daniel S. Hamilton, njoh\u00ebs i raporteve transatlantike, n\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb p\u00ebr autorin e k\u00ebtij artikulli. Gjat\u00eb sulmeve terrorist\u00eb t\u00eb 11 Shtatorit kund\u00ebr SHBA-ve, Putin ishte nd\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00ebt q\u00eb kishte telefonuar presidentin Bush Jr. dhe kishte shprehur gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb ruse p\u00ebr ndihm\u00eb amerikan\u00ebve n\u00eb luft\u00eb kund\u00ebr terrorizmit. T\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin mir\u00ebkuptim rus duhet par\u00eb edhe gjat\u00eb intervenimit amerikan n\u00eb Afganistan (2001).<\/p>\n

E dyta, intervenimi amerikan dhe britanik n\u00eb Irak (2003) nuk ishte par\u00eb me sy t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb nga Moska dhe me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin mir\u00ebkuptim sikurse luftimi kund\u00ebr terrorizmit t\u00eb Al-Kaid\u00ebs dhe Taliban\u00ebve n\u00eb Afganistan. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim zgjerimi i NATO-s drejt kufijve rus \u00ebsht\u00eb par\u00eb dhe shihet si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb. K\u00ebrc\u00ebnim i till\u00eb direkt dhe serioz ishte par\u00eb edhe vendosja e mbrojtjes raketore n\u00eb Poloni dhe Republik\u00ebn \u00c7eke, si dhe nd\u00ebrtimi i bazave ushtarake amerikane n\u00eb Bullgari dhe Rumani dhe m\u00eb von\u00eb n\u00eb shtetet e Baltikut. T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto u interpretuan nga Putini si posht\u00ebrim i Rusis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

E treta, intervenimi amerikan n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (1999) dhe n\u00eb Irak (2003) pa vendim t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit dhe planet e m\u00ebtutjeshme amerikane p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rend bot\u00ebror monopolar sipas gjykimit t\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs duhet ndalur. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb Rusia priste momentin p\u00ebr vendosjen e \u201cvij\u00ebs s\u00eb kuqe\u201d ndaj Per\u00ebndimit. E k\u00ebt\u00eb vij\u00eb t\u00eb kuqe e kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb ditur vet\u00eb presidenti Putin n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Siguris\u00eb n\u00eb shkurt t\u00eb 2007 n\u00eb M\u00fcnchen e cila konsiderohet padyshim si nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthese n\u00eb gjeopolitik\u00ebn globale.<\/em>\u00a0Putin ishte i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb, i ashp\u00ebr dhe i pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm, duke deklaruar se Rusia nuk do t\u00eb duroj\u00eb nj\u00eb posht\u00ebrim t\u00eb m\u00ebtutjesh\u00ebm. Ai n\u00eb asnj\u00eb rast nuk e p\u00ebrmendi me em\u00ebr SHBA-t\u00eb, por mesazhi i tij e kishte at\u00eb si adres\u00eb t\u00eb vetme.<\/p>\n

\u201cUn\u00eb mendoj se p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn e sotme modeli monopolar jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i pap\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm, por \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak i pamundur\u201d, deklaroi Putin duke pyetur: \u201cTani kemi t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb pyesim: Kund\u00ebr kujt drejtohet ky zgjerim [i NATO-s]? Dhe \u00e7far\u00eb ndodhi me garancin\u00eb q\u00eb partner\u00ebt tan\u00eb per\u00ebndimor\u00eb na dhan\u00eb pas shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb Traktatit t\u00eb Varshav\u00ebs? Ku jan\u00eb k\u00ebto deklarata tani? As nuk i mbani mend m\u00eb.\u201d E p\u00ebr Putinin ishte e \u201cqart\u00eb se zgjerimi i NATO-s nuk ka asnj\u00eb lidhje me modernizimin e vet\u00eb aleanc\u00ebs ose me garantimin e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ai p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb provokim serioz q\u00eb ul nivelin e besimit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr Ahtisaarin, fjalimi i Putinit n\u00eb M\u00fcnchen ishte nj\u00eb vot\u00eb kund\u00ebr p\u00ebr planin e tij n\u00eb K\u00ebshill t\u00eb Sigurimit. Sipas ambasadorit Wolfgang Petritsch, ishte e qart\u00eb se \u201cKosova u b\u00eb viktima\u201d e par\u00eb e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb re t\u00eb jashtme ruse dhe si rrjedhoj\u00eb Rusia ende heziton ta njoh\u00eb pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs. Ish ministri i Jasht\u00ebm i Kosov\u00ebs, Enver Hoxhaj, n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cNgritja e nj\u00eb shteti<\/em>\u201d, shkruan se rivaliteti nd\u00ebrmjet Per\u00ebndimit dhe Rusis\u00eb \u201cnuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb raport me Kosov\u00ebn. Madje, n\u00eb fakt, ajo [Kosova] nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fare esenca e rivalitetit\u201d. Sipas Hoxhaj, \u201cbrutaliteti diplomatik n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e Putinit nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb vet\u00ebm me marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Rusi-Kosov\u00eb. Ai ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb mbi t\u00eb gjitha me marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit dhe Rusis\u00eb dhe rivalitetin e tyre kudo\u201d.<\/p>\n

Vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb vit pas fjalimit t\u00eb Putinit n\u00eb M\u00fcnchen, NATO-ja shprehu interesin e saj n\u00eb nj\u00eb samit n\u00eb Bukuresht q\u00eb n\u00eb aspektin afatgjat\u00eb t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb n\u00eb gjirin e saj edhe Ukrain\u00ebn e Gjeorgjin\u00eb. Vet\u00ebm pas pak muajsh nga shpallja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe samitit t\u00eb NATO-s, Rusia marshoi kund\u00ebr Gjeorgjis\u00eb n\u00eb gusht t\u00eb 2008. Pas vitit 2010 vazhdoi seria e protestave kund\u00ebr sunduesve n\u00eb Mesdhe n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb tashm\u00eb quhet \u201cPranvera Arabe\u201d, t\u00eb cilat prek\u00ebn direkt interesat ruse. Kulminacioni i tyre padyshim q\u00eb ende \u00ebsht\u00eb Siria dhe Libia. Jetike p\u00ebr interesat ruse ishin padyshim protestat e opozit\u00ebs n\u00eb Kiev kund\u00ebr presidentit ukrainas Viktor Yanukovych n\u00eb vitin 2013, i cili synonte p\u00ebrafrimin me Rusin\u00eb dhe Unionin Ekonomik Euroaziatik. Nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb von\u00eb, Moska aneksoi Krimen\u00eb dhe ende mb\u00ebshtet luft\u00ebtar\u00ebt separatist\u00eb n\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebn Lindore.<\/p>\n

Dhe me k\u00ebto veprime, Rusia u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnues t\u00eb siguris\u00eb evropiane. Duke mos p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu tendencat autoritare t\u00eb presidentit Putin n\u00eb shtypjen e opozit\u00ebs dhe vrasjen e helmimin kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve politik, politika e Kremlinit shkoi aq larg, sa tregoi edhe fuqin\u00eb e tij n\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrjen n\u00eb zgjedhjet e shteteve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb duke mb\u00ebshtetur partit\u00eb e ekstremit t\u00eb djath\u00eb. Kulminacioni ishte n\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrjen ruse n\u00eb zgjedhjet presidenciale amerikane n\u00eb vitin 2016, duke mb\u00ebshtetur kandidatin republikan Donald Trump, kund\u00ebr oponent\u00ebs Hillary Clinton.<\/p>\n

Pra, n\u00eb nj\u00eb interval kohor gati dhjet\u00eb vje\u00e7ar, Putin dhe perandoria e tij, e ndihmuar edhe nga tendencat agresive t\u00eb Xi Jinpingut, u shnd\u00ebrruan s\u00eb bashku n\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim serioz p\u00ebr vlerat per\u00ebndimore. N\u00eb nj\u00eb nga botimet me t\u00eb reja dhe m\u00eb voluminoze p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e jashtme ruse \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim libri \u201cMr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin (Geopolitics in the 21st Century)\u201d<\/em>\u00a0nga Fiona Hill, e cila konsiderohet nj\u00eb nga njoh\u00ebset m\u00eb t\u00eb mprehta t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme ruse, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn presidenti Trump mendonte se \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm pjes\u00eb e stafit teknik, kur ajo merrte pjes\u00eb n\u00eb bisedat telefonike nd\u00ebrmjet Trumpit dhe Putinit.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Historiku i zyrave diplomatike ruse n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe vizita e Lavrovit n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb Faza finale e Rezolut\u00ebs 1244 parashikonte zgjidhjen e statusit politik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebr ta \u00e7uar pun\u00ebn deri n\u00eb fund, ishte riaktivizuar Grupi i Kontaktit p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. Ministrat e Jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb Grupit t\u00eb Kontaktit, pjes\u00eb e t\u00eb cilit ishte edhe ministri i […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":407,"featured_media":1442,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[687,664,637,643],"ppma_author":[738],"class_list":["post-1455","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-foreign-policy","tag-kosovo","tag-nato","tag-russia"],"authors":[{"term_id":738,"user_id":407,"is_guest":0,"slug":"faruk-ajeti","display_name":"Faruk Ajeti","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ajeti","first_name":"Faruk","description":"Dr. Faruk Ajeti \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor shkencor n\u00eb Institutin Austriak p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb vitit akademik 2019\/20 ishte visiting scholar i Fondacionit Austriak t\u00eb Planit Marshall n\u00eb Institutin p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme n\u00eb Universitetin Johns Hopkins n\u00eb Washington DC."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1455","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/407"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1455"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1455\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1456,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1455\/revisions\/1456"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1442"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1455"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1455"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1455"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1455"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}