{"id":1461,"date":"2021-06-29T16:24:20","date_gmt":"2021-06-29T15:24:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=1461"},"modified":"2023-12-11T15:07:05","modified_gmt":"2023-12-11T14:07:05","slug":"historia-komplekse-e-marredhenieve-kosove-rusi-iii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/historia-komplekse-e-marredhenieve-kosove-rusi-iii\/","title":{"rendered":"Historia komplekse e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Kosov\u00eb-Rusi (III)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>P\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb, rasti i Kosov\u00ebs kishte nj\u00eb ngjashm\u00ebri me probleme tjera ruse: \u00c7e\u00e7enin\u00eb apo Tartarin\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat me\u00a0shumic\u00eb myslimane shiheshin nga prizmi rus n\u00eb analogji me Kosov\u00ebn. T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb ia kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb ministri i Jasht\u00ebm Ivanov homolog\u00ebs s\u00eb tij amerikane: \u201cMadeleine, nuk e kupton ti, se ne kemi shum\u00eb Kosova n\u00eb Rusi?\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Por, gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb takimi nd\u00ebrmjet Albrightit dhe Ivanovit pas shfaqjes \u201cLa Traviata\u201d n\u00eb teatrin Bolshoi n\u00eb Mosk\u00eb,\u00a0Albright kishte qen\u00eb direkte me Ivanovin, duke ia b\u00ebr\u00eb me dije se, n\u00ebse Millosheviqi nuk do t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje me NATO-n p\u00ebr ndaljen e vrasjeve ndaj kosovar\u00ebve, at\u00ebher\u00eb NATO-ja do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e detyruar q\u00eb pa autorizim t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb kund\u00ebr Jugosllavis\u00eb. E p\u00ebrgjigja e Ivanovit ishte se \u201cRusia asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb pajtohet me sulme ajrore kund\u00ebr serb\u00ebve\u201d. Ky ishte q\u00ebndrimi i Ivanovit, t\u00eb cilin e p\u00ebrshkruan Albright n\u00eb biografin\u00eb e saj (\u201cMadam Secretary \u2013 A memoir\u201d).<\/p>\n<p>Intervenimi i NATO-s kund\u00ebr Jugosllavis\u00eb i kishte ftohur raportet nd\u00ebrmjet dy president\u00ebve t\u00eb dy fuqive globale. Clinton e merr iniciativ\u00ebn dhe m\u00eb 14 prill 1999 e th\u00ebrret n\u00eb telefon Jeltsinin, t\u00eb cilit i ofron q\u00eb edhe rus\u00ebt t\u00eb d\u00ebrgojn\u00eb nj\u00eb kontingjent n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb si pjes\u00eb e trupave paqeruajt\u00ebse nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Jeltsini ndodhej n\u00ebn presion t\u00eb madh politik. Kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e tij tashm\u00eb ishin n\u00eb ofensiv\u00eb politike kund\u00ebr tij, saq\u00eb n\u00eb mes t\u00eb muajit maj, Jeltsini i shp\u00ebton vot\u00ebs s\u00eb mosbesimit n\u00eb Dum\u00ebn ruse.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb bised\u00ebn telefonike nd\u00ebrmjet Clintonit dhe Jeltsinit ata dakordohen p\u00ebr rinisjen e nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb ndaljes s\u00eb luft\u00ebs dhe arritjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje. Jeltsini angazhon Viktor Chernomerdin, i cili s\u00eb bashku me t\u00eb d\u00ebrguarin e BE-s\u00eb, presidentin finlandez Marti Ahtisaari dhe at\u00eb amerikan, Talbott, do t\u00eb hartojn\u00eb planin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb paqes, plan i cili do t\u00eb marr\u00eb parasysh q\u00ebndrimet e Per\u00ebndimit.<\/p>\n<p>Telefonat\u00ebn e par\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb pjes\u00eb e negociatave Ahtisaari e kishte marr\u00eb nga Talbott. E p\u00ebr t\u2019ia b\u00ebr\u00eb me dije Millosheviqit duhej gjetur nj\u00eb personalitet i fuqish\u00ebm evropian, i cili nuk duhej t\u00eb ishte sllav e as amerikan, ngaq\u00eb SHBA-t\u00eb ishin n\u00eb luft\u00eb me Jugosllavin\u00eb. E Ahtisaari e njihte Millosheviqin si nj\u00eb negociator t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs kur Ahtisaari drejtoi Grupin Punues p\u00ebr Bosnj\u00ebn n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr ish Jugosllavin\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1992 n\u00eb Gjenev\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebnte t\u00eb ditur Ahtisaari n\u00eb biografin\u00eb e tij \u201cThe Mediator\u201d t\u00eb shkruar nga dy gazetar\u00ebt finlandez, Katri Merikallio dhe Tapani Ruokanen.<\/p>\n<p>(Largimi i Primakovit nga funksioni i kryeministrit t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb maj t\u00eb vitit 1999, i cili m\u00ebshironte linj\u00ebn ruse p\u00ebr nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr ndaj SHBA-ve, duhet par\u00eb si leht\u00ebsim p\u00ebr p\u00ebrafrimin e q\u00ebndrimeve ruse me Per\u00ebndimin p\u00ebr arritjen e nj\u00eb zgjidhje p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. E pik\u00ebrisht Chernomerdin ishte antiteza e Primakovit). Kur Chernomerdin dhe Ahtisaari takojn\u00eb Millosheviqin n\u00eb Beograd, ky i fundit tashm\u00eb e kishte t\u00eb qart\u00eb, se \u201cv\u00ebllai i madh\u201d dhe i d\u00ebrrmuar nga gjendja e r\u00ebnd\u00eb ekonomike nuk kishte n\u00eb plan t\u00eb hynte n\u00eb luft\u00eb me NATO-n p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb. Millosheviqi e kishte kuptuar tashm\u00eb mesazhin dhe nga kjo vizit\u00eb e vetme e nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuesve, ai dor\u00ebzohet, t\u00eb cilin dor\u00ebzim nuk e quan humbje, por fitore ndaj agresionit amerikan.<\/p>\n<p>Me intervenimin e NATO-s kund\u00ebr Jugosllavis\u00eb, Rusia kishte zgjedhur \u201ckonfrontimin verbal\u201d dhe jo at\u00eb ushtarak me NATO-n. Megjithat\u00eb, vendimi i Jeltsinit p\u00ebr d\u00ebrgimin e nj\u00eb kontingjenti t\u00eb 250 ushtar\u00ebve rus nga Bosnja p\u00ebr ta zaptuar Aeroportin Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs, pa paralajm\u00ebruar NATO-n, gati sa shpiu n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb me pasoja katastrofale.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebshtu do t\u2019i shprehej gjenerali Mike Jackson shefit t\u00eb tij (\u00cbesley Clark) n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cSolder\u201d, se \u201cnuk do ta filloj\u00eb p\u00ebr ju nj\u00eb Luft\u00eb t\u00eb Tret\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore\u201d. Dhe i gjith\u00eb ky debat i karakterit gjeopolitik nd\u00ebrmjet fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha b\u00ebhej p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn.<\/p>\n<p>Realisht ky incident ka shp\u00ebrfaqur edhe nj\u00eb dimension tjet\u00ebr, se sa e pa koordinuar ishte politika e jashtme ruse. Nga publikimet e memoareve t\u00eb ndryshme, kuptohet se ministri i Jasht\u00ebm rus Ivanov nuk kishte asnj\u00eb ide se \u00e7far\u00eb po ndodhte. E ajo manov\u00ebr ishte organizuar nga Jeltsini me disa gjeneral\u00eb rus\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Por, pak dit\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb koka e men\u00e7ur amerikane p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb \u00a0q\u00eb ishte padyshim Talbott, ishte v\u00ebn\u00eb tashm\u00eb n\u00eb dijeni se rus\u00ebt po vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb mos pajtohen q\u00eb t\u00eb vendos\u00ebn n\u00ebn komand\u00eb t\u00eb KFOR-it n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe gjenerali rus Ivashov i kishte \u00a0paralajm\u00ebruar amerikan\u00ebt, s\u00eb n\u00eb rast t\u00eb hyrjes t\u00eb ushtar\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb nga Maqedonia n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb pa finalizimin e pjes\u00ebmarrjes ruse, at\u00ebher\u00eb trupat ruse n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb unilaterale do t\u00eb futen n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb nga Veriu p\u00ebrmes Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>E ylli n\u00eb ngritje i politik\u00ebs ruse, Vladimir Putin, e kishte qet\u00ebsuar Talbottin duke i th\u00ebn\u00eb se trupat ruse do t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb me NATO-n dhe komentin e gjeneralit rus Ivashov e kishte quajtur reagim emocional. P\u00ebrfundimsiht, SHBA- t\u00eb, BE-ja dhe Rusia ishin pajtuar tashm\u00eb (p\u00ebrmes Grupit t\u00eb Kontaktit dhe G8) se rruga e ndalimit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb p\u00ebrmes K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht rezolut\u00ebs 1244, e cila do t\u00eb jet\u00eb udh\u00eb rr\u00ebfimi i bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ndaj Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Federata Ruse n\u00ebn Jeltsinin, sipas diplomatit rus Oleg Levitin, nuk kishte treguar ndonj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim konstant dhe v\u00ebmendje t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb ndaj Serbis\u00eb. Angazhimi rus n\u00eb Jugosllavi m\u00eb shum\u00eb ishte i nj\u00eb shikuesit pasiv, se sa i nj\u00eb vendimmarr\u00ebsit serioz apo i nj\u00eb t\u00eb interesuarit p\u00ebr stabilizim t\u00eb rajonit. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, Jeltsini nuk kishte hezituar gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb bised\u00eb telefonike me Clintonin ta quaj Millosheviqin \u201cxhuxh\u201d dhe nj\u00eb \u201cdiktator komunist\u201d. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, Jeltsini kurr\u00eb nuk kishte vizituar Beogradin dhe kurr\u00eb nuk e kishte ftuar Millosheviqin n\u00eb Mosk\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, Millosheviqi e kishte vizituar Mosk\u00ebn dy her\u00eb, por vet\u00ebm n\u00eb vizita pune edhe pse pas Daytonit ai ishte konsideruar si nj\u00eb partner afatgjat\u00eb. Vitet e qeverisjes s\u00eb Jeltsinit ishin shoq\u00ebruar nga luft\u00ebrat e brendshme dhe t\u00eb ashpra politike me q\u00ebndrimet z\u00eb ngulitura (t\u00eb elit\u00ebs politike, mediale dhe ortodokse) anti-per\u00ebndimore. Dhe, bombardimi i Jugosllavis\u00eb ishte par\u00eb si posht\u00ebrim i m\u00ebtutjesh\u00ebm i Rusis\u00eb dhe goditje e p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb Jeltsinit \u201cp\u00ebr ta kthyer popullin tim [rus] n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit\u201d. K\u00ebshtu e kujtonte Clinton bised\u00ebn me homologun e tij rus n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cMy life\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr zgjerimi i NATO-s me shtetet e Evrop\u00ebs Lindore gjat\u00eb vitit 1999 dhe planet e saj p\u00ebr zgjerime t\u00eb m\u00ebtutjesh\u00ebm ishin nj\u00eb shuplak\u00eb p\u00ebr perandorin\u00eb e rr\u00ebnuar ruse. Nga gjykimi i Mosk\u00ebs, SHBA-t\u00eb dhe aleat\u00ebt e saj po e shfryt\u00ebzonin pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm situat\u00ebn e r\u00ebnd\u00eb ekonomike e politike n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ndodhej Rusia. E p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb dhe historin\u00eb e saj, diktati nga dikush tjet\u00ebr nuk duhej lejuar, pavar\u00ebsisht q\u00eb bota prej vitesh ishte futur n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cmoment unipolar\u201d t\u00eb dominuar nga SHBA-t\u00eb (Fareed Zakaria).<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>P\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb, rasti i Kosov\u00ebs kishte nj\u00eb ngjashm\u00ebri me probleme tjera ruse: \u00c7e\u00e7enin\u00eb apo Tartarin\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat me\u00a0shumic\u00eb myslimane shiheshin nga prizmi rus n\u00eb analogji me Kosov\u00ebn. T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb ia kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb ministri i Jasht\u00ebm Ivanov homolog\u00ebs s\u00eb tij amerikane: \u201cMadeleine, nuk e kupton ti, se ne kemi shum\u00eb Kosova n\u00eb Rusi?\u201d. Por, gjat\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":407,"featured_media":1442,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[687,664,643],"ppma_author":[738],"class_list":["post-1461","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-foreign-policy","tag-kosovo","tag-russia"],"authors":[{"term_id":738,"user_id":407,"is_guest":0,"slug":"faruk-ajeti","display_name":"Faruk Ajeti","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ajeti","first_name":"Faruk","description":"Dr. Faruk Ajeti \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor shkencor n\u00eb Institutin Austriak p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb vitit akademik 2019\/20 ishte visiting scholar i Fondacionit Austriak t\u00eb Planit Marshall n\u00eb Institutin p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme n\u00eb Universitetin Johns Hopkins n\u00eb Washington DC."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1461","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/407"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1461"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1461\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1462,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1461\/revisions\/1462"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1442"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1461"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1461"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1461"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1461"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}