N\u00ebse ka ndonj\u00eb fuqi evropiane, e cila gjat\u00eb shekujve t\u00eb fundit me q\u00ebndrimin e saj ka ndikuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e fatit politik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim Federata Ruse. Roli i Mosk\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe ndaj Kosov\u00ebs rezulton deri m\u00eb tani t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb analizuar mjaftuesh\u00ebm, hulumtuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sistematike, gjykuar paansh\u00ebm, si dhe par\u00eb nga nj\u00eb priz\u00ebm m\u00eb i gjer\u00eb i zhvillimeve rajonale dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Ky artikull nuk m\u00ebton assesi t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb barr\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb, megjithat\u00eb synon t\u00eb hedh\u00eb drit\u00eb mbi disa stacione kryesore historike, politike dhe diplomatike nd\u00ebrmjet dy shteteve.<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, jan\u00eb dy pyetje themelore t\u00eb cilat meritojn\u00eb v\u00ebmendje t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb. E para, synon t\u00eb analizoj\u00eb arsyet q\u00eb politika ruse ka qen\u00eb dhe mbetet vazhdimisht refuzuese ndaj vullnetit politik t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs shqiptare t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe e dyta, a mos \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsuar ndikimi i Mosk\u00ebs e cila me fuqin\u00eb politike q\u00eb ka pasur dhe q\u00eb ende posedon, shpesh ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuese e statusit politik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs?<\/p>\n
Federata Ruse dhe Republika e Kosov\u00ebs nuk kan\u00eb lidhur ende marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie diplomatike, ngaq\u00eb Kremlini ende nuk e njeh pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb, kur jemi tek raportet diplomatike, Rusia tashm\u00eb posedon nj\u00eb Zyr\u00eb Nd\u00ebrlidh\u00ebse n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb q\u00eb nga viti 2005 e Kosova nuk posedon fare n\u00eb Mosk\u00eb. Por, \u201chistoria e raporteve diplomatike\u201d nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Rusis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e vjet\u00ebr, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb nj\u00eb nga shtetet me nj\u00eb nga misionet m\u00eb t\u00eb vjetra diplomatike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Pra, hi\u00e7 m\u00eb larg se n\u00eb vitin 1866 \u2013 n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur Prizreni ishte qendra kryesore politike shqiptare n\u00ebn pushtimin osman \u2013 kishte nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsi diplomatike ruse n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n
20 vjet nga vizita e presidentit Putin n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n Dy vite pas \u00e7lirimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nga regjimi serb, Vladimir Putin, president i Federat\u00ebs Ruse kishte vizituar Kosov\u00ebn m\u00eb 17 qershor 2001. Rrjedhimisht, kjo ishte vizita e par\u00eb e nj\u00eb presidenti rus n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, vizita e Putinit fillimisht n\u00eb Serbi dhe m\u00eb von\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, paraqet vizit\u00ebn e par\u00eb pas dy dekadave t\u00eb nj\u00eb lideri rus n\u00eb ish hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn jugosllave. Presidenti sovjetik, Michail Gorbatschov, ishte i fundit q\u00eb kishte vizituar Jugosllavin\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1988 dhe gjat\u00eb asaj vizite, ai p\u00ebrpos Beogradit, kishte vizituar edhe Zagrebin dhe Lubjan\u00ebn.<\/p>\n Por, vizita e Putinit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb mbetet padyshim nj\u00eb nga ato vizitat e ve\u00e7anta t\u00eb lider\u00ebve t\u00eb huaj n\u00eb vend. P\u00ebrpos q\u00eb ishte vizit\u00eb surpriz\u00eb dhe e pa paralajm\u00ebruar, Putini pati q\u00ebndruar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Aeroportin Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs duke vizituar kontingjentin rus prej 3000 mij\u00eb ushtar\u00ebsh n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb KFOR-it dhe duke pasur takime vet\u00ebm me komandantin e at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb KFOR-it, Thorstein Skiaker, dhe kryeadministratorin e UNMIK-ut, Hans H\u00e6kkerup.<\/p>\n Asnj\u00eb takim me lider\u00ebt kosovar\u00eb. Asnj\u00eb takim t\u00eb vet\u00ebm duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe politikan\u00ebt serb\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, presidenti Putin akuzonte nga hap\u00ebsira e militarizuar e aeroportit \u201cterrorist\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb p\u00ebr destabilizim t\u00eb rajonit, p\u00ebr sulmet ndaj pakicave n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtetjen ndaj ekstremist\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrleshje me trupat qeveritare n\u00eb Maqedoni.<\/p>\n Bilanci i vizit\u00ebs disa-or\u00ebshe t\u00eb Putinit ishte mbi t\u00eb gjitha e karakterit gjeostrategjik dhe at\u00eb duke p\u00ebr\u00e7uar disa mesazhe, e para s\u00eb gjithash n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit. E para, Putin la t\u00eb kuptohet se Rusia i \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer Ballkanit me m\u00eb vendosm\u00ebri, ndaj t\u00eb cilit rajon pararend\u00ebsi i tij Boris Jeltsin nuk kishte shprehur ndonj\u00eb interesim t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb. E dyta, Putin b\u00ebri t\u00eb qart\u00eb, se Rusia tani e tutje do t\u00eb jet\u00eb bashk\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuese e zhvillimeve kryesore n\u00eb rajon. Nj\u00eb dit\u00eb para vizit\u00ebs n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, Putini kishte takuar n\u00eb Brdo t\u00eb Sllovenis\u00eb presidentin amerikan George Bush Jr., t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ishin dakorduar p\u00ebr gjetjen e zgjidhjeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta p\u00ebr problemet n\u00eb Ballkan. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, Presidenti Putin kishte proklamuar tashm\u00eb ambiciet ruse p\u00ebr furnizim t\u00eb rajonit ballkanik me gaz rus nga hap\u00ebsira e Kaukazit.<\/p>\n E treta, Putin, ritheksoi nga Beogradi r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e zgjidhjes s\u00eb kontesteve duke respektuar normat dhe ligjet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e integritetit territorial t\u00eb shteteve (duke aluduar n\u00eb ruajtjen e sovranitetit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb mbi Kosov\u00ebn q\u00eb parashikohet n\u00eb rezolut\u00ebn 1244 t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara). Pik\u00ebrisht, kjo e fundit do t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb madh ndaj fatit politik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs s\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs. Por, para se t\u00eb merret n\u00eb analiz\u00eb roli aktual rus, ia vlen t\u00eb hedhet drit\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm mbi raportet aktuale bilaterale Kosov\u00eb-Rusi, por edhe ato historike nd\u00ebr shekuj.<\/p>\n Konferenca e Ambasador\u00ebve n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr dhe Kosova<\/strong><\/p>\n Prezenca ruse n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Juglindore d\u00ebshmohet p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1710 n\u00eb qytetin rumun Ia\u0219i. Ky zgjerim i Rusise ne kete pjese te botes, po vinte, pos per arsye gjeopolitike, ishte edhe per te mbeshtetur popullaten sllave ne lufterat e tyre kunder Perandorose Osmane.<\/p>\n K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, nga ai vit me gjith\u00eb ngritjet dhe uljet e fuqis\u00eb ruse, Rusia kurr\u00eb nuk u largua nga Ballkani. Pas dy shekujve t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrjeve direkte apo indirekte, roli rus n\u00eb Ballkan p\u00ebrkonte n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb Beogradit zyrtar. Raportet historike dhe tradicionale nd\u00ebrmjet rus\u00ebve dhe serb\u00ebve ende funksionojn\u00eb sipas v\u00ebllaz\u00ebris\u00eb sllave dhe solidaritetit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb ortodoks. Por, ndikimi direkt rus n\u00eb raport me Kosov\u00ebn si nj\u00eb entitet politik, kulmoi me Konferenc\u00ebn e Ambasador\u00ebve n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr (17 dhjetor 1912 \u2013 30 maj 1913).<\/p>\n Q\u00eb nga vendimet e Konferenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Ambasador\u00ebve n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr, ku si rezultat i q\u00ebndrimit strikt rus p\u00ebr mos p\u00ebrfshirjen e vilajetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e shtetit t\u00eb ri shqiptar, Kosova mbeti jasht\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Derisa n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb Mbret\u00ebria Ruse preferonte \u2013 n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me interesat nacionale ruse p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfshirjen e t\u00eb gjitha hap\u00ebsirave t\u00eb banuara me rus\u00eb n\u00ebn pushtetin e Mosk\u00ebs \u2013 parimin e p\u00ebrcaktimit t\u00eb kufijve n\u00eb baza etnike, nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb ajo e mohonte p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, e cila synonte t\u00eb krijohej si shtet nacional duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb territoret shqiptare t\u00eb ndara tashm\u00eb n\u00eb kat\u00ebr vilajetet osmane.<\/p>\n Pra, parimin \u201eShqip\u00ebria p\u00ebr shqiptar\u00ebt<\/em>\u201c i prezantuar n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Ambasador\u00ebve n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr nga ambasadori austro-hungarez Graf Albert Mensdorff-Pouilly (i cili ishte daja i ambasadorit t\u00eb ndjer\u00eb austriak Albert Rohan) refuzohej nga ambasadori rus n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr Alexander Konstantin Lud\u00ebig von Benckendorff, i cili ishte kush\u00ebri me t\u00eb, sikurse me at\u00eb gjerman Karl Max von Lichno\u00ebsky. Pra, tre kush\u00ebrinj (t\u00eb cil\u00ebt si rezultat i martesave t\u00eb p\u00ebrziera nd\u00ebrmjet familjeve aristokrate evropiane) p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonin tri shtete t\u00eb ndryshme dhe rrjedhimisht tri q\u00ebndrime t\u00eb ndryshme shtet\u00ebrore. Gati nj\u00ebqind vjet m\u00eb von\u00eb Albert Rohan do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e daj\u00ebs s\u00eb tij, duke luajtur nj\u00eb rol ky\u00e7 n\u00eb shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n N\u00eb parim, nj\u00ebra nga pikat ky\u00e7e n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Londr\u00ebs, ku Moska synonte n\u00eb \u00e7do m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb arrihej ishte t\u2019ia siguronte Serbis\u00eb daljen n\u00eb Detin Adriatik, por si rezultat i q\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb fort\u00eb t\u00eb Austro-Hungaris\u00eb dhe Italis\u00eb, ajo nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb sukses. P\u00ebrcaktimi i kufijve t\u00eb shtetit shqiptar, i shpallur m\u00eb 28 n\u00ebntor 1912, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrfshija e qyteteve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00ebn Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, ishte padyshim \u00e7\u00ebshtja tjet\u00ebr ku diplomacia kryesore evropiane e asaj kohe po e shqyrtonte. Sipas historianit austriak, Hugo Hantsch, delegacioni austro-hungarez ishte delegacioni m\u00eb i p\u00ebrgatitur n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr, pjes\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb cilit ishin edhe diplomat\u00ebt austro-hungarez (Theodor Ippen dhe Vladimir Freiherr Giesl von Gieslingen), t\u00eb cilit kishin sh\u00ebrbyer si diplomat\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr qytetet kryesore shqiptare.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr ambasadorin francez n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr, Paul Cambon, shteti i krijuar shqiptar nuk ishte asgj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa nj\u00eb \u201end\u00ebrmarrje austriake\u201c. Bazuar n\u00eb publikimet e telegrameve t\u00eb diplomat\u00ebve austro-hungarez\u00eb t\u00eb vendosur n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr, Beograd, Mosk\u00eb, Shkup, Prizren dhe Berlin, shihet qart\u00eb insistimi i tyre p\u00ebr bashkangjitjen e qyteteve shqiptare (Prizrenit, Gjakov\u00ebs, Pej\u00ebs, Dibr\u00ebs) Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, ngaq\u00eb sipas gjykimit t\u00eb Vjen\u00ebs vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb mund t\u00eb krijohej nj\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri e aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb penguar ekspansionin territorial serb dhe sllav n\u00eb Ballkan. I p\u00ebrballur me rezistenc\u00ebn austro-hungareze, ministri i Jasht\u00ebm rus Sergej Sazonov ia b\u00ebnte me dije n\u00eb nj\u00eb telegram kryeministrit serb, Nikola Pashi\u00e7, se n\u00ebse Serbia nuk heq dor\u00eb nga qytetet shqiptare, at\u00ebher\u00eb \u201eAustria do t\u2019ju sulmoj\u00eb dhe ne [rus\u00ebt] nuk duam t\u00eb hyjm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb p\u00ebr Gjakov\u00ebn\u201d.<\/p>\n E p\u00ebrgjigja me kunja e Pashi\u00e7it ndaj Sazonovit ishte, se \u201ck\u00ebtu nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pyetje Gjakova, Dibra dhe Shkodra, por pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb: A \u00ebsht\u00eb Rusia me miqt\u00eb e saj m\u00eb e fort\u00eb apo m\u00eb e dob\u00ebt se Austria me aleat\u00ebt e saj? E gjith\u00eb bota sllave dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt do ta konsiderojn\u00eb Rusin\u00eb t\u00eb mundur p\u00ebrmes politik\u00ebs dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb Austris\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n Sazonov n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cGjasht\u00eb vite t\u00eb r\u00ebnda<\/em>\u201d (i botuar m\u00eb 1927), pra p\u00ebr gjasht\u00eb vitet sa ishte minist\u00ebr i Jasht\u00ebm (1910-1916), hedh drit\u00eb p\u00ebr iden\u00eb e tij n\u00eb krijimin e Aleanc\u00ebs Ballkanike nd\u00ebrmjet shteteve sllave (Serbis\u00eb, Bullgaris\u00eb dhe Malit t\u00eb Zi) dhe Greqis\u00eb, q\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb shpiu n\u00eb fillimin e luft\u00ebrave ballkanike. Krijimi i Federat\u00ebs Ballkanike si nj\u00eb faktor i ri politik dhe ushtarak n\u00eb Ballkan ishte nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb p\u00ebr monarkin\u00eb dualiste austro-hungareze. Aleanca Ballkanike ishte edhe nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim direkt p\u00ebr tokat shqiptare n\u00ebn pushtimin osman, pasi q\u00eb ato do t\u00eb ndaheshin nd\u00ebrmjet shteteve t\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebs dhe pjesa e at\u00ebhershme e Vilajetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me qend\u00ebr Shkupin, do t\u2019i kalonin Serbis\u00eb, gj\u00eb q\u00eb edhe do t\u00eb ndodhte.<\/p>\n Vendimet e Konferenc\u00ebs Ambasadore t\u00eb Londr\u00ebs t\u00eb Fuqive t\u00eb M\u00ebdha nga dhjetori 1912 deri n\u00eb gusht 1913 ishin padyshim fatale p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb shekullin XX. P\u00ebrfundimisht, Vjena dhe Moska vendos\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e fatit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. P\u00ebrderisa, diplomacia e Ballhausplatz-it realizoi dy prioritetet e saj kryesore: a) q\u00eb Serbia mos t\u00eb ket\u00eb dalje n\u00eb Detin Adriatik dhe b) rikonfirmimin e shtetit t\u00eb sapo shpallur shqiptar, ajo tregoi gatishm\u00ebri p\u00ebr kompromis mbi Kosov\u00ebn pas nj\u00eb rezistence t\u00eb gjat\u00eb dhe t\u00eb vendosur nga ana e Mosk\u00ebs. Kjo e fundit n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve mb\u00ebshtetej edhe nga diplomacia franceze, e cila nuk e shihte me sy t\u00eb mir\u00eb forcimin e pozitave t\u00eb Austro-Hungaris\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Juglindore.<\/p>\n Shtypi i Sh\u00ebn Petersburg dhe qarqet nacionaliste ruse kishin filluar tashm\u00eb ta ngriste z\u00ebrin edhe kund\u00ebr perandorit rus Nikolaus II., i cili sipas tyre vazhdimisht po b\u00ebnte koncesione n\u00eb negociatat e Londr\u00ebs n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb Vjen\u00ebs. N\u00eb disa telegrame diplomatike t\u00eb asaj kohe, thuhet se cari rus Nikolla II ishte i m\u00ebrzitur me Vjen\u00ebn dhe se politika e tij \u201cpajtuese nuk po gjen\u00eb mir\u00ebkuptim\u201d n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb. Nga rrethi i perandorit rus mbizot\u00ebronte mendimi se Rusia deri tani kishte treguar pajtueshm\u00ebri p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha \u00e7\u00ebshtjet me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi jetike p\u00ebr Vjen\u00ebn dhe ai kishte frik\u00eb nga trazirat e mundshme t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tij. Dhe nj\u00eb rr\u00ebzim i mundsh\u00ebm i nj\u00eb perandori t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm, si\u00e7 ishte Perandoria Ruse, do t\u00eb kishte efekt edhe n\u00eb shtetet e tjera t\u00eb drejtuara nga perandor\u00eb apo mbret\u00ebr.<\/p>\n Edhe Gjermania q\u00eb mb\u00ebshteste pozicionet austro-hungareze filloi t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte nga Vjena m\u00eb shum\u00eb fleksibilitet. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Londr\u00ebs filloi t\u00eb krijohej nj\u00eb mir\u00ebkuptim p\u00ebr atmosfer\u00ebn jo t\u00eb favorshme q\u00eb gjendej Nikolaus II dhe rrjedhimisht, nuk duhej lejuar q\u00eb atij t\u2019i \u201chumbet fytyra\u201d apo t\u00eb duket i dob\u00ebt n\u00eb konferenc\u00eb. E objektivi primar rus \u2013 tashm\u00eb dihej \u2013 ishte forcimi i Serbis\u00eb dhe zgjerimi i saj territorial, i nj\u00ebjti q\u00ebllim sikurse q\u00eb kishte mbajtur Rusia n\u00eb Kongresin e Berlinit n\u00eb qershor t\u00eb 1878.<\/p>\n K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimisht, vendimi i Vjen\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos b\u00ebr\u00eb koncesione p\u00ebr daljen serbe n\u00eb Adriatik dhe p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, b\u00ebri q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb l\u00ebshoj\u00eb pe p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebt tjera t\u00eb banuara me shqiptar\u00eb, vendim i cili do ta p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb historin\u00eb e m\u00ebvonshme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Historiani zviceran, Oliver Jens Schmitt, n\u00eb librin e tij\u00a0\u201cKosova – histori e shkurt\u00ebr e nj\u00eb treve qendrore ballkanike\u201d<\/em>\u00a0shkruan me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb se \u201ckufiri i sot\u00ebm midis Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb thelb nj\u00eb rezultat i diplomacis\u00eb ruse\u201d. N\u00ebse diplomacia austro-hungareze (me mb\u00ebshtetjen e Italis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb) do t\u00eb kishte q\u00ebndruar e vendosur n\u00eb integrimin e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb territorin shqiptar, historia e ardhshme e Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb ishte definitivisht ndryshe.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" N\u00ebse ka ndonj\u00eb fuqi evropiane, e cila gjat\u00eb shekujve t\u00eb fundit me q\u00ebndrimin e saj ka ndikuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e fatit politik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim Federata Ruse. Roli i Mosk\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe ndaj Kosov\u00ebs rezulton deri m\u00eb tani t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb analizuar mjaftuesh\u00ebm, hulumtuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sistematike, gjykuar paansh\u00ebm, si dhe par\u00eb nga […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":407,"featured_media":1442,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[687,664,643],"ppma_author":[738],"class_list":["post-1466","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-foreign-policy","tag-kosovo","tag-russia"],"authors":[{"term_id":738,"user_id":407,"is_guest":0,"slug":"faruk-ajeti","display_name":"Faruk Ajeti","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/faruk-1-640x800-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ajeti","first_name":"Faruk","description":"Dr. Faruk Ajeti \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor shkencor n\u00eb Institutin Austriak p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb vitit akademik 2019\/20 ishte visiting scholar i Fondacionit Austriak t\u00eb Planit Marshall n\u00eb Institutin p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme n\u00eb Universitetin Johns Hopkins n\u00eb Washington DC."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1466","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/407"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1466"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1466\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1467,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1466\/revisions\/1467"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1442"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1466"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1466"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1466"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1466"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}