{"id":1468,"date":"2021-06-03T16:30:50","date_gmt":"2021-06-03T15:30:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=1468"},"modified":"2023-12-11T15:07:05","modified_gmt":"2023-12-11T14:07:05","slug":"protesta-rezistenca-dhe-fuqia-e-insistimit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/protesta-rezistenca-dhe-fuqia-e-insistimit\/","title":{"rendered":"Protesta, rezistenca dhe fuqia e insistimit"},"content":{"rendered":"

L\u00ebvizja studentore<\/u><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjith\u00ebve na kujtohet data 1 tetori i vitit 1997. Protestat studentore. Rruga e Velanis\u00eb n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb. Protesta jasht\u00ebzakonisht mir\u00eb t\u00eb organizuara. Krejt\u00ebsisht paq\u00ebsore. Diku 25,000 student\u00eb, por edhe qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. Sipas udh\u00ebzimeve, student\u00ebt kishin veshur rroba t\u00eb bardha sip\u00ebr. Plani ishte ky: nga pik\u00ebnisja tek zyret e Unionit t\u00eb Pavarur t\u00eb Student\u00ebve t\u00eb Universitetit t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs (UPSUP) dhe t\u00eb revist\u00ebs Bota e Re (lokalet ishin t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta, si dhe stafi pak a shum\u00eb i nj\u00ebjti) do t\u00eb zbritej posht\u00eb rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb Velanis\u00eb, pastaj n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn kryesore dhe k\u00ebshtu ngadal\u00eb do t\u00eb ecej deri n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb qytetit. \u201dUniversiteti \u2013 Kosova \u2013 Student\u00ebt. Tomorrow will be late. NOW\u201d, ishte parulla kryesore e protestave. Si\u00e7 dihet, at\u00eb dit\u00eb u protestua p\u00ebr lirimin e objekteve universitare q\u00eb ishin zaptuar nga regjimi serb.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, protestat p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonin edhe nj\u00eb rebelim implicit kund\u00ebr rezistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb kryetarit Rugova, rezistenc\u00eb q\u00eb tanim\u00eb ishte kredhur n\u00eb nj\u00eb mo\u00e7al t\u00eb paraliz\u00ebs e frik\u00ebs. Ato konferencat e lodhura p\u00ebr shtyp nga e premtja n\u00eb t\u00eb premte n\u00eb sfondin e nj\u00eb konflikti t\u00eb armatosur n\u00eb shp\u00ebrthim e sip\u00ebr. N\u00eb takimin q\u00eb lidershipi i UPSUP-s\u00eb kishte pas\u00eb me Rugov\u00ebn, ky i fundit ishte shprehur haptazi kund\u00ebr mbajtjes s\u00eb protestave. Druhej se rrug\u00ebt e kryeqytetit do t\u00eb laheshin me gjakun e student\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb. Po ashtu shpresohej se me nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimin e nj\u00ebfar\u00eb organizate nga Vatikani (Sh\u00ebn Egjidio i thoshin), regjimi millosheviqian do t\u00eb lironte objektet universitare. Ky ishte iluzion, natyrisht. Protestat, pra, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 q\u00eb ishin revolt\u00eb kund\u00ebr sistemit shtyp\u00ebs serb, ishin edhe orvatje p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkundur popullin nga amullia trullos\u00ebse e nj\u00eb LDK-je pasive post-dejtoniane.<\/p>\n

Disa muaj m\u00eb her\u00ebt un\u00eb kisha filluar t\u00eb punoja n\u00eb Bot\u00ebn e Re dhe pastaj edhe n\u00eb UPSUP. Unioni dhe revista studentore ndanin zyret, gj\u00eb q\u00eb ma mund\u00ebsoi q\u00eb t\u00eb kontribuoja m\u00eb leht\u00eb rreth organizimit t\u00eb protestave, t\u00eb merrja pjes\u00eb n\u00eb mbledhje t\u00eb ndryshme, e t\u00eb isha i pranish\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb takimesh me gazetar\u00eb e diplomat\u00eb t\u00eb huaj q\u00eb filluan t\u00eb na vizitonin n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pasi ishte protesta e par\u00eb, 1 tetori k\u00ebrkoi nj\u00eb organizim m\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb shtjelluar. Mir\u00ebpo, si\u00e7 dihet, plani i protest\u00ebs, ashtu si\u00e7 u p\u00ebrshkrua m\u00eb lart, nuk u realizua. Posht\u00eb Velanis\u00eb marshi i student\u00ebve u stopua nga milic\u00ebt e armatosur serb\u00eb. N\u00eb \u00e7ast filloi nd\u00ebrhyrja dhe lidershipi i UPSUP-s\u00eb bashk\u00eb me rektorin e at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm Prof. Ejup Statovcin u kap\u00ebn zhagas, u keqtrajtuan dhe u fut\u00ebn n\u00eb pizgauer. Jan\u00eb disa fotografi ikonike derisa t\u00ebrhiqen zvarr\u00eb Bujar Dugolli, Muhamet Mavraj, Driton Laj\u00e7i dhe, natyrisht, Albin Kurti. Pas maltretimit n\u00eb stacionin policor ata u l\u00ebshuan.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve nga milicia, student\u00ebt n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe u ul\u00ebn dhe sfiduan dhun\u00ebn n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb joviolente. Pasoi hedhja e gazit lotsjell\u00ebs dhe sulmi i eg\u00ebr i milic\u00ebve mbi trupat e student\u00ebve. Masa filloi t\u00eb ik\u00eb dhe t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahej. Un\u00eb e mbaj mend t\u00eb jem ngjitur fush\u00ebnaltave at\u00ebbot\u00eb t\u00eb pand\u00ebrtuara t\u00eb Velanis\u00eb, i p\u00ebrlyer n\u00eb balt\u00eb e me sy q\u00eb lotonin nga gazi. N\u00eb tollovi e sip\u00ebr papritmas e pash\u00eb krahas meje Avni Spahiun, ish-gazetar dhe ish-kryeredaktor i Rilindjes dhe Bujkut, dhe ish-ambasador k\u00ebto vitet e fundit. Edhe ai kishte marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb protest\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Bashk\u00ebveprimi n\u00eb mes protest\u00ebs paq\u00ebsore dhe dhun\u00ebs – \u201cit takes two to tango\u201d<\/u><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

I gjith\u00eb ky spektak\u00ebl – protesta paq\u00ebsore n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, pasuar nga dhuna e eg\u00ebr n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, u p\u00ebrcoll nga gazetar\u00eb t\u00eb huaj q\u00eb kishin zbritur n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye. Protesta pa dyshim ishte moment kthese n\u00eb historin\u00eb e vonshme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, pasi q\u00eb shkundi vendin nga letargjia. Ishte ngjarje p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbajtur mend edhe p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs brutale q\u00eb u p\u00ebrdor nga forcat policore serbe. Reportazhet e asaj dite mund t\u00eb d\u00ebshmonin me fakte p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb regjim t\u00eb eg\u00ebr dhe p\u00ebr dhun\u00ebn q\u00eb ushtrohej mbi student\u00ebt e pafajsh\u00ebm shqiptar\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb zakonisht nuk p\u00ebrmendet \u00ebsht\u00eb se pas 1 tetorit pasuan edhe nj\u00eb num\u00ebr protestash tjera t\u00eb organizuara nga UPSUP: m\u00eb 29 tetor, m\u00eb 30 n\u00ebntor, dhe m\u00eb 30 dhjetor (p\u00ebr t\u00eb vazhduar edhe me aktivitete tjera n\u00eb vitin pasues). P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb protest\u00ebn e 29 tetorit u improvizua nj\u00eb tribun\u00eb af\u00ebr UPSUP-s\u00eb dhe Rektoratit q\u00eb ishte i vendosur n\u00eb nj\u00eb sht\u00ebpi n\u00eb Velani. U lexuan nj\u00eb varg fjalimesh nga lider\u00ebt studentor\u00eb, madje pati edhe p\u00ebrkthim t\u00eb atyre fjalimeve n\u00eb anglisht, gjermanisht e fr\u00ebngjisht. N\u00eb fund, para se turma t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndahej, u l\u00ebshuan disa p\u00ebllumba t\u00eb bardh\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ting\u00ebllon pak hippy, por ashtu ndodhi. Gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kohe milicia serbe ishte barrikaduar n\u00eb pikat neuralgjike rreth Velanis\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe posht\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn kryesore, aty ku m\u00eb 1 tetor kishin p\u00ebrdorur dhun\u00eb shtazarake kund\u00ebr nesh. Por k\u00ebsaj here nuk pati dhun\u00eb. Ne u lejuam t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonim performanc\u00ebn ton\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa ata nuk dhunuan. Dhe k\u00ebshtu p\u00ebrfundoi ajo dit\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb antiklimaks. Madje edhe p\u00ebr gazetar\u00eb t\u00eb huaj kjo ngjarje mezi p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte lajm.<\/p>\n

\u00c7ka e b\u00ebri protest\u00ebn e 29 tetorit t\u00eb dukej m\u00eb e zbeht\u00eb sesa at\u00eb t\u00eb 1 tetorit? \u00c7ka m\u00ebton t\u00eb mb\u00ebrrij\u00eb nj\u00eb protest\u00eb? Pse b\u00ebhen l\u00ebvizjet popullore? Si marrin hov ato? K\u00ebto e pyetje t\u00eb tjera si k\u00ebto nxiten nga skenar\u00ebt e p\u00ebrshkruar m\u00eb sip\u00ebr. N\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn time, ose si aktivist n\u00eb rini t\u00eb hershme ose si studiues i l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb tilla, nj\u00eb gj\u00eb duket e qart\u00eb: protesta, ose l\u00ebvizja, p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga dy elemente gjithsesi polarizuese e kund\u00ebrshtuese, por paradoksalisht edhe konstituive.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb jan\u00eb protestuesit, pra ata q\u00eb mobilizohen p\u00ebr t\u00eb protestuar kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsie, dhe n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb sistemi q\u00eb ushtron k\u00ebt\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsi. Sa m\u00eb i dhunsh\u00ebm sistemi, aq m\u00eb i p\u00ebrligjur organizimi i protest\u00ebs apo l\u00ebvizjes. Por, mos t\u00eb harrojm\u00eb, edhe e kund\u00ebrta \u00ebsht\u00eb po aq e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Sa m\u00eb akomodues, demokratik dhe tolerant sistemi, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb bjen posht\u00eb\u00a0raison d’\u00eatre<\/em>\u00a0p\u00ebr mbajtje t\u00eb protest\u00ebs. Pra, n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb arsyetuar vetveten, si dhe kauz\u00ebn e saj p\u00ebr luftimin e represionit, protesta e p\u00ebrligj vetveten n\u00ebse ndaj saj ushtrohet dhun\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb regjimi e tregon fytyr\u00ebn e vet t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Por \u00e7\u2019ndodh\u00eb n\u00ebse regjimi tregohet dinak dhe nuk ushtron dhun\u00eb? N\u00eb rast t\u00eb till\u00eb protesta rrezikon t\u00eb humbas\u00eb momentumin e saj. K\u00ebshtu disi ngjau edhe me protest\u00ebn q\u00eb e pasoi 1 tetorin.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb ironike, por reagimi i dhunsh\u00ebm nga pushteti e p\u00ebrligj protest\u00ebn ose l\u00ebvizjen, dhe ndihmon n\u00eb theksimin e ndikimit t\u00eb saj. \u00cbsht\u00eb ndoshta n\u00eb natyr\u00ebn njer\u00ebzore q\u00eb si publik t\u00eb reagojm\u00eb m\u00eb shpejt ndaj dhun\u00ebs, zhurm\u00ebs, asaj q\u00eb konsiderohet jonormale dhe q\u00eb indinjon ndjenjat tona humane. K\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb kultivojn\u00eb edhe mediat t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb prirura q\u00eb t\u00eb raportojn\u00eb p\u00ebr dhun\u00ebn, vdekjen e skandalin, e shum\u00eb rrall\u00eb p\u00ebr qet\u00ebsin\u00eb e t\u00eb zakonshmen. K\u00ebshtu ishte edhe me protestat studentore t\u00eb UPSUP-s\u00eb. Ajo e 1 tetorit b\u00ebri buj\u00eb pasi q\u00eb: 1. Ishte protesta e par\u00eb dhe ishte tejet mir\u00eb e organizuar, dhe 2. Sepse, th\u00ebn\u00eb tro\u00e7, protesta rezultoi t\u00eb stopohej nga dhuna brutale e makineris\u00eb s\u00eb okupatorit. Ky p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte lajm, dhe kjo d\u00ebshmonte p\u00ebr regjimin gjakpir\u00ebs t\u00eb Millosheviqit kundruall student\u00ebve paq\u00ebsor\u00eb q\u00eb s\u2019k\u00ebrkonin asgj\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr sesa realizimin e nj\u00eb t\u00eb drejte elementare p\u00ebr t\u2019u shkolluar. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb protest\u00ebn e 29 tetorit, kontrasti q\u00ebndronte n\u00eb faktin se milic\u00ebt si duket kishin mbushur mend dhe nuk u ngashnjyen drejt p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs. Shih p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, \u00e7udit\u00ebrisht, kjo protest\u00eb ishte m\u00eb pak e suksesshme dhe me ndikim m\u00eb t\u00eb zbeht\u00eb se ajo e para.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatitja teorike p\u00ebr protestim: nga Enver Hoxha n\u00eb Gene Sharp<\/u><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Protestat studentore t\u00eb 1 tetorit si dhe ato q\u00eb pasuan ishin vazhdim\u00ebsi e ndodhive t\u00eb ngjashme q\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb kishin marr\u00eb hov q\u00eb nga viti 1981 e k\u00ebndej (pa harruar shk\u00ebndijat e para t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj l\u00ebvizjeje q\u00eb nga vitet \u201960). Demonstratat e protestat studentore t\u00eb fillimit t\u00eb viteve \u201980, pastaj grevat e uris\u00eb t\u00eb minator\u00ebve e t\u00eb student\u00ebve e demonstratat e tjera kah fundi i viteve \u201980 dhe fillimi i viteve \u201990, ishin t\u00eb gjitha pararend\u00ebse t\u00eb 1 tetorit. E p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta e tyre ishte luftimi i pabarazis\u00eb e represionit, dhe k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr liri, demokraci, pavar\u00ebsi. P\u00ebr nga aspekti ideologjik e teorik, prapa tyre nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se kishte nj\u00eb platform\u00eb t\u00eb detajizuar politike, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 ndoshta nj\u00eb frymimi marksist-leninist, apo m\u00eb sakt\u00eb t\u00eb themi enverist.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mes, 1 tetori p\u00ebrb\u00ebn shk\u00ebputje nga protestat e m\u00ebhershme. Organizimit t\u00eb saj dhe protestave q\u00eb erdh\u00ebn m\u00eb pas i parapriu nj\u00eb studim nga lider\u00eb studentor\u00eb sikur Kurti i l\u00ebvizjeve joviolente n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb. N\u00eb UPSUP ka pasur diskutime mbi strategjit\u00eb, qasjet e metodat e lider\u00ebve si Martin Luther King Jr. dhe l\u00ebvizjes p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejta civile n\u00eb ShBA, pastaj p\u00ebr konceptin e joviolenc\u00ebs s\u00eb praktikuar nga Ghandi n\u00eb Indi, apo p\u00ebr l\u00ebvizjen p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb barabarta n\u00eb Irland\u00eb t\u00eb Veriut. Ghandi, p\u00ebr shembull, kishte praktikuar konceptin e\u00a0satyagraha<\/em>-s, apo p\u00ebrpjekjes s\u00eb mb\u00ebshtjetjes n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn si parim baz\u00eb n\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebn joviolente ndaj kolonizator\u00ebve. Ja \u00e7far\u00eb thot\u00eb Gene Sharp, studiuesi i l\u00ebvizjeve joviolente: \u201dRr\u00ebzimi m\u00eb efektiv i diktatur\u00ebs p\u00ebrballet me kat\u00ebr detyra imediate:<\/p>\n

\u2022 Popullata e shtypur duhet pajisur me vet\u00ebbesim dhe dije p\u00ebr rezistenc\u00eb;
\n\u2022 Duhet fuqizuar grupet e pavarura sociale dhe institucionet e popullit t\u00eb shtypur;
\n\u2022 Duhet krijuar nj\u00eb forc\u00eb e brendshme dhe e fuqishme e rezistenc\u00ebs;
\n\u2022 Duhet zhvilluar nj\u00eb plan strategjik t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr \u00e7lirim, q\u00eb duhet implementuar me besnik\u00ebri\u201d.<\/p>\n

Autor\u00eb si Gene Sharp ishin mjaft t\u00eb njohur p\u00ebr lidershipin studentor t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs s\u00eb asaj kohe. Shkrimet e tij gjithsesi ndikuan n\u00eb organizimin e protestave studentore.<\/p>\n

Pra, brenda k\u00ebsaj fryme t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme u organizua edhe 1 tetori me protestat q\u00eb pasuan. Strategjia e organizimit t\u00eb protestave nd\u00ebrtohej rreth kristalizimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat protestohej, praktikimit t\u00eb paekuivok t\u00eb jodhun\u00ebs, dhe rezistenc\u00ebs joviolente edhe p\u00ebrball\u00eb dhun\u00ebs q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ushtrohej. Natyrisht, mediatizimi i protestave, sidomos n\u00eb tregun nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ishte q\u00ebllim i vet\u00ebkuptuesh\u00ebm. Transmetimi dhe shkrimet mbi 1 tetorin nga mediat e huaja b\u00ebn\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb rizgjohej opinioni publik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar mbi luft\u00ebn q\u00eb ishte n\u00eb prag t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthimit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Koncepti i \u201dp\u00ebrpjekjes\u201d n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn unmikiane dhe t\u00eb pavarur<\/u><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Kaq sa i p\u00ebrket l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb protestave n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn e paraluft\u00ebs. Por \u00e7far\u00eb ndodhi me k\u00ebt\u00eb l\u00ebvizje pas luft\u00ebs? A ekzistonte ende nj\u00eb\u00a0raison d’\u00eatre\u00a0<\/em>p\u00ebr organizimin e protestave? Apo mos papritur arsyet ishin eliminuar me ardhjen e liris\u00eb? N\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn unmikiane po rritej nj\u00eb brez q\u00eb kishin qen\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb rinj p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb protestat e paraluft\u00ebs. Protesta e 1 tetorit dhe e atyre q\u00eb pasuan kan\u00eb g\u00ebzuar nj\u00eb atraktivitet t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebrmasash gati mitike n\u00eb mesin e k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb rinjve. Figurat e lider\u00ebve t\u00eb UPSUP-s\u00eb, ve\u00e7mas e t\u00eb riut t\u00eb sapoliruar nga burgjet serbe, Albin Kurtit, ishin magnetike p\u00ebr k\u00ebta t\u00eb rinj. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, Kosova e protektoratit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar si dhe ajo pas pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, u b\u00eb nj\u00eb vend i kapluar nga keqmenaxhimi dhe keqqeverisja, nga krimi e korrupsioni. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sfond, u b\u00eb e qart\u00eb se kishte parakushte t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr shk\u00ebndijimin e protestave popullore q\u00eb kishin ambicie t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin di\u00e7 edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb, pra t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin l\u00ebvizje.<\/p>\n

Kjo do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb shpjegon daljen e L\u00ebvizjes Vet\u00ebvendosje (LVV) n\u00eb sken\u00eb. Nj\u00eb nga sukseset e k\u00ebsaj L\u00ebvizjeje, dhe e Kurtit si lideri i saj thuaja shpirt\u00ebror, \u00ebsht\u00eb se arrit\u00ebn t\u2019i b\u00ebjn\u00eb vend brenda vetes gjith\u00eb atij frustrimi popullor q\u00eb nga p\u00ebrfundimi i luft\u00ebs e k\u00ebndej. Pa marr\u00eb parasysh a kishim t\u00eb b\u00ebnim me pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi p\u00ebr nivelin e papun\u00ebsis\u00eb, apo me rastet e korrupsionit, apo me menaxhimin paternalizues nga nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt, LVV ishte adresa p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs transmetohej kjo pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi. Q\u00eb nga paslufta e deri m\u00eb sot nuk ka pas\u00eb ndonj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje tjet\u00ebr popullore q\u00eb ka arritur t\u00eb t\u00ebrheq\u00eb interesim serioz. Deri m\u00eb sot LVV-ja ka g\u00ebzuar monopol t\u00eb padiskutuesh\u00ebm mbi frustrimin e akumuluar popullor.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar l\u00ebvizjen e L\u00ebvizjes, natyrisht se lidershipit t\u00eb saj i \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb narracion t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm e autentik. P\u00ebr rreth pes\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vite t\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj, narracioni i LVV-s\u00eb ka goditur mbi iden\u00eb se administrata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ishte\u00a0de facto<\/em>\u00a0pushtet kolonizues, nd\u00ebrsa strukturat politike vendore ishin pakorrigjuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb korruptuara. \u201dRezistenca, jo negociata, \u00ebsht\u00eb esenciale p\u00ebr ndryshim n\u00eb konflikte ku kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me \u00e7\u00ebshtje fundamentale… Suksesi m\u00eb s\u00eb shpeshti determinohet jo nga negociimi i nj\u00eb zgjidhjeje por n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb men\u00e7ur t\u00eb mjeteve m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebs\u201d. Ky citat nga Gene Sharp mund t\u00eb duket i njohur n\u00eb praktik\u00ebn e protestimit nga LVV. Natyrisht, gj\u00ebrat nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb kurr\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht si ky narracion, sepse pa marr\u00eb parasysh problemet e shumta Kosova e pasluft\u00ebs ka qen\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb vend pakrahasimisht m\u00eb i lir\u00eb e m\u00eb demokratik sesa ajo e paraluft\u00ebs. Por me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi p\u00ebr L\u00ebvizjen, si p\u00ebr \u00e7do l\u00ebvizje, ka qen\u00eb konsistenca e trumbetimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij narracioni n\u00eb publik.<\/p>\n

Ky narracion i LVV-s\u00eb ka mundur t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa L\u00ebvizja t\u00eb akumuloj\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb rritje, n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr arsye se elita \u201de vjet\u00ebr\u201d politike u ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb armatim t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrforcuar. \u00c7do rast krimi e korrupsioni, \u00e7do moment d\u00ebshtimi n\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi e sundim t\u00eb ligjit, u ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb njer\u00ebzve arsye shtes\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ndiejn\u00eb neveri ndaj politik\u00ebs s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, dhe t\u00eb orientohen kah LVV si alternativ\u00eb e vetme dhe viable p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu duhet p\u00ebrmendur edhe dy elemente ky\u00e7e t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb LVV-s\u00eb q\u00eb ia mund\u00ebsuan asaj q\u00eb sot t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00eb me qeveri. I pari \u00ebsht\u00eb insistimi. Q\u00eb n\u00eb krijim t\u00eb LVV-s\u00eb Albin Kurti, Glauk Konjufca, Xhelal Sve\u00e7la, Liburn Aliu etj., i kan\u00eb hyr\u00eb k\u00ebtij projekti ashtu si\u00e7 i qaset vrapuesi maraton\u00ebs. Pra, si projekt afatgjat\u00eb dhe rreth t\u00eb cilit nuk ka asnj\u00eblloj kompromisi. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb fuqia e insistimit kryene\u00e7 t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeve popullore, dhe kjo p\u00ebrb\u00ebn kok\u00eb\u00e7arje t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr pushtetin. Pra, si tha Sharp m\u00eb lart, rezistenc\u00eb dhe asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, deri n\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysje t\u00eb rendit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr. Se, v\u00ebrtet, si ballafaqohesh si pushtet me nj\u00eb protest\u00eb apo l\u00ebvizje q\u00eb nuk pushon s\u00eb protestuari? Si tejkalohet kjo bezdi? T\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ash duke ofruar mito? Poste qeveritare? Ose t\u2019i injorosh protestat e tyre? Qeveri t\u00eb nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme e provuan k\u00ebt\u00eb taktik\u00eb, por LVV ve\u00e7 \u00e7ka shtoi trysnin\u00eb. E nganj\u00ebher\u00eb, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb e dokumentuar, edhe provokimin e dhunsh\u00ebm si domosdoshm\u00ebri p\u00ebr t\u2019u faktorizuar e madje viktimizuar. Ose t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00ebsh dhun\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet aparatit shtet\u00ebror? Si\u00e7 e dim\u00eb, edhe kjo u provua nga shteti n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste. Por, ashtu si shpjegova me protestat e 1 tetorit, dhuna shtet\u00ebrore ka rrezik t\u2019i kontribuoj\u00eb p\u00ebrforcimit t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm t\u00eb protestuesve (sidomos n\u00ebse shteti duket se po d\u00ebshton n\u00eb qeverisje). Gj\u00eb q\u00eb edhe ndodhi me LVV-n\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dhe elementi i dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb koncepti i \u201cp\u00ebrpjekjes\u201d. N\u00eb anglisht kemi termin \u201dstruggle\u201d t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb literatur\u00ebn e rezistenc\u00ebs joviolente. Fjala m\u00eb e p\u00ebrshtatshme n\u00eb shqip mbase \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201dp\u00ebrpjekje\u201d. Pra, p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr rezistenc\u00eb t\u00eb pakompromis, p\u00ebrpjekje n\u00eb protesta, n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje, insistim i pareshtur. Vet\u00ebdij\u00ebsim dhe besim se fuqia n\u00eb fakt gjendet tek t\u00eb pafuqishmit, p\u00ebr t\u00eb parafrazuar Vaclav Havelin. K\u00ebto parime, si insistimi e p\u00ebrpjekja, ishin udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfim p\u00ebr LVV-n\u00eb n\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebn e saj afatgjat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u201dP\u00ebrpjekja\u201d e PSD-s\u00eb<\/u><\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Tash q\u00eb LVV \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet, ajo instinktivisht b\u00ebhet gardiane e rendit publik dhe institucioneve t\u00eb vendit me t\u00eb cilat deri dje ishte n\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj rivaliteti. \u00c7far\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb me protest\u00ebn si aktivitet social dhe politik n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb kosovare? Kush do t\u00eb marr\u00eb stafet\u00ebn? PDK, LDK, AAK nuk ia kan\u00eb tradit\u00eb, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn jo n\u00eb at\u00eb nivel vet\u00ebmohimi e insistimi si ka qen\u00eb me LVV-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, sado t\u00eb vog\u00ebl n\u00eb num\u00ebr, sado t\u00eb margjinalizuar, mendoj q\u00eb Dardan Molliqaj me aktivist\u00ebt e tij t\u00eb PSD-s\u00eb kan\u00eb potencialisht mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb rindezin fuqin\u00eb e protest\u00ebs tek ne. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, nuk duhet harruar se p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb Molliqaj ishte n\u00eb top treshen e lidershipit t\u00eb LVV-s\u00eb dhe udh\u00ebhiqte me rrjetin organizativ t\u00eb partis\u00eb\/l\u00ebvizjes. Ai dhe koleg\u00ebt e tij njohin strategjin\u00eb, doktrin\u00ebn e rezistenc\u00ebs, si dhe kuptojn\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e insistimit e t\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjes. Ka gjasa q\u00eb n\u00ebse kan\u00eb vullnet, konsistenc\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrkushtim \u2013 pra, n\u00ebse i qasen p\u00ebrpjekjes si maraton\u00eb afatgjate, jo si sprint \u2013 ata do t\u2019i japin mjaft kok\u00eb\u00e7arje qeveris\u00eb Kurti. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, \u00ebsht\u00eb qeveria ajo q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me dilemat e p\u00ebrjetshme t\u00eb konfrontimit me protestuesit: t\u00eb persekutoj\u00eb si shtet apo jo? K\u00ebto dilema ve\u00e7 \u00e7ka do t\u00eb thellohen me \u00e7do d\u00ebshtim eventual t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj qeverie.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

L\u00ebvizja studentore T\u00eb gjith\u00ebve na kujtohet data 1 tetori i vitit 1997. Protestat studentore. Rruga e Velanis\u00eb n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb. Protesta jasht\u00ebzakonisht mir\u00eb t\u00eb organizuara. Krejt\u00ebsisht paq\u00ebsore. Diku 25,000 student\u00eb, por edhe qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. Sipas udh\u00ebzimeve, student\u00ebt kishin veshur rroba t\u00eb bardha sip\u00ebr. Plani ishte ky: nga pik\u00ebnisja tek zyret e Unionit t\u00eb Pavarur t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":405,"featured_media":1469,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[680,548,744],"ppma_author":[698],"class_list":["post-1468","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-education","tag-politics","tag-protesting"],"authors":[{"term_id":698,"user_id":405,"is_guest":0,"slug":"armend-bekaj","display_name":"Armend Bekaj","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/armend-bekaj.png","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/armend-bekaj.png"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Bekaj","first_name":"Armend","description":"Armend Bekaj \u00ebsht\u00eb Ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Departamentin p\u00ebr K\u00ebrkime t\u00eb Paqes dhe Konfliktit n\u00eb Universitetin e Uppsala-s, Suedi. Ka punuar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb organizatash nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb International IDEA n\u00eb Suedi. Ka t\u00eb kryer doktorat\u00ebn n\u00eb shkenca politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Sheffield, Britani t\u00eb Madhe."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1468","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/405"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1468"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1468\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1471,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1468\/revisions\/1471"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1469"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1468"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1468"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1468"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1468"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}