{"id":14690,"date":"2026-07-07T13:43:19","date_gmt":"2026-07-07T11:43:19","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=14690"},"modified":"2026-07-07T13:43:19","modified_gmt":"2026-07-07T11:43:19","slug":"samiti-i-nato-s-ne-ankara-testi-i-ri-per-ballkanin-perendimor","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/samiti-i-nato-s-ne-ankara-testi-i-ri-per-ballkanin-perendimor\/","title":{"rendered":"Samiti i NATO-s n\u00eb Ankara: testi i ri p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>K\u00ebt\u00eb jav\u00eb, aleat\u00ebt dhe partner\u00ebt e NATO-s mblidhen n\u00eb Ankara n\u00eb nj\u00eb nga samitet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e Aleanc\u00ebs q\u00eb nga fillimi i luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb. Fokusi i k\u00ebtij samiti do t\u00eb jet\u00eb rritja e shpenzimeve p\u00ebr mbrojtje, lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrshtatja e NATO-s me nj\u00eb mjedis sigurie gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm. Por n\u00eb thelb, samiti ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me di\u00e7ka edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, me rip\u00ebrcaktimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve midis Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe Evrop\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Prej vitesh, Uashingtoni k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb aleat\u00ebt evropian\u00eb t\u00eb marrin nj\u00eb barr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e kontinentit. Debati p\u00ebr objektivin e ri prej 5 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb GDP-s\u00eb p\u00ebr mbrojtjen \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb nga elementet e k\u00ebsaj k\u00ebrkese. Mir\u00ebpo, fwrkimet transatlantike shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrtej shpenzimeve ushtarake, duke filluar nga qasja ndaj Ukrain\u00ebs dhe Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme, sidomos p\u00ebrfshirja n\u00eb luft\u00ebn n\u00eb Iran, deri te \u00e7\u00ebshtja m\u00eb komplekse se si duhet t\u00eb duket NATO n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku prioritetet strategjike t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara nuk jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruara vet\u00ebm te Evropa.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb samit, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb q\u00eb Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes. Por kjo nuk do tw thotw qw rajoni nuk do t\u2019i ndiej\u00eb pasojat e sfidave tw transformimit q\u00eb po kalon Aleanca.<\/p>\n<p>Q\u00eb nga pushtimi i plot\u00eb i Ukrain\u00ebs nga Rusia, Aleanca nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb menaxhimin e krizave apo n\u00eb stabilizimin e periferis\u00eb s\u00eb saj. Sot, fokusi \u00ebsht\u00eb zhvendosur te parandalimi ushtarak, gatishm\u00ebria operacionale, kapacitetet mbrojt\u00ebse, industria e mbrojtjes dhe ndarja e barr\u00ebs nd\u00ebrmjet aleat\u00ebve. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, siguria nuk matet m\u00eb vet\u00ebm me garancit\u00eb q\u00eb merr, por edhe me kontributin q\u00eb jep.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, kjo sh\u00ebnon fillimin e nj\u00eb kapitulli t\u00eb ri.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy dekada, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e rajonit me NATO-n jan\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar mbi logjik\u00ebn e stabilizimit. Prania e KFOR-it n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, angazhimi i vazhduesh\u00ebm n\u00eb Bosnje dhe Hercegovin\u00eb dhe zgjerimi gradual i Aleanc\u00ebs drejt Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, Malit t\u00eb Zi dhe Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut kishin nj\u00eb objektiv t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt: ta b\u00ebnin Ballkanin nj\u00eb rajon t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm pas konflikteve t\u00eb viteve \u201990.<\/p>\n<p>Sot, kjo logjik\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zhdukur, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e mjaftueshme.<\/p>\n<p>Prania e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, Malit t\u00eb Zi dhe Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut si vende an\u00ebtare n\u00eb Ankara d\u00ebshmon se rajoni ka kaluar n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. Fakti q\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria do t\u00eb organizoj\u00eb samitin e ardhsh\u00ebm t\u00eb NATO-s \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshmi e k\u00ebtij integrimi t\u00eb thell\u00eb n\u00eb Aleanc\u00eb. Dhe pikwrisht debati qw vw n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje Samitin e Tiran\u00ebs n\u00eb 2027 p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shpenzimeve t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb mbrojtje, tregon se presioni p\u00ebr rritje t\u00eb kontributit vazhdon t\u00eb rritet.<\/p>\n<p>Pra, kjo simbolik\u00eb p\u00ebrkon me nj\u00eb fazw t\u00eb re mbi at\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb pritet nga aleat\u00ebt. N\u00ebse dikur an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi ishte vet\u00eb suksesi, sot kjo shoq\u00ebrohet me pritshm\u00ebri shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb larta p\u00ebr investime, kapacitete dhe kontribut. Debati mbi shpenzimet e mbrojtjes wshtw tregues qw NATO-ja e re nuk do t\u2019i vler\u00ebsoj\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt vet\u00ebm nga pozicioni i tyre strategjik, por edhe nga pesha q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb mbajn\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo tregon se an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi sot nuk ka t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin kuptim q\u00eb kishte nj\u00ebzet vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr vendet e vogla, hyrja n\u00eb NATO dikur ishte mbi t\u00eb gjitha nj\u00eb garanci sigurie dhe nj\u00eb ankorim n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim. Sot pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb tjet\u00ebr: \u00e7far\u00eb sjellin ato n\u00eb Aleanc\u00eb? Sa investojn\u00eb n\u00eb mbrojtje? Sa t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitura jan\u00eb forcat e tyre? \u00c7far\u00eb kapacitetesh mund t\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb? Sa rezistente jan\u00eb ndaj k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve hibride? Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, n\u00eb NATO-n e sotme, an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi nuk mjafton m\u00eb. Kontributi \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb monedha e re politike e Aleanc\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb testi i ri edhe p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n<p>Megjithat\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa NATO ndryshon, arkitektura e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb rajon mbetet e pap\u00ebrfunduar.<br \/>\nBosnja dhe Hercegovina vazhdon t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me kriza t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura politike q\u00eb sfidojn\u00eb rendin e pas Dejtonit. Serbia vazhdon politik\u00ebn e neutralitetit ushtarak, duke balancuar bashk\u00ebpunimin me NATO-n me lidhjet e saj me Rusin\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebn. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, Kosova vazhdon t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb pranin\u00eb e KFOR-it si garancia kryesore e siguris\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron edhe paradoksi i rajonit.<\/p>\n<p>Teksa NATO po zhvendoset nga stabilizimi drejt parandalimit, Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor mbetet nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb ku stabiliteti nuk mund t\u00eb merret ende si i mir\u00ebqen\u00eb. Rajoni nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes strategjike t\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebs, por as nuk mund t\u00eb konsiderohet nj\u00eb projekt i p\u00ebrfunduar. Pik\u00ebrisht kjo e b\u00ebn at\u00eb nj\u00eb nga pikat e ndjeshme t\u00eb NATO-s, jo sepse p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme me Ukrain\u00ebn, por sepse shum\u00eb prej \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve q\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb sigurin\u00eb e tij mbeten ende t\u00eb pazgjidhura.<\/p>\n<p>Kosova e ilustron m\u00eb qart\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb realitet.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb Samitin e Uashingtonit n\u00eb vitin 2024, Kosova ishte e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar, duke reflektuar nj\u00eb njohje n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb rolit t\u00eb saj n\u00eb arkitektur\u00ebn euroatlantike t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. Sot, Kosova gjendet s\u00ebrish jasht\u00eb tryez\u00ebs n\u00eb Ankara. Ironia \u00ebsht\u00eb se kjo ndodh pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet si Turqia, e cila megjithat\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb aleat i ngusht\u00eb i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb. Nj\u00eb ftes\u00eb nuk e p\u00ebrcakton r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb strategjike t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti, dhe KFOR-i mbetet garancia kryesore e siguris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb diplomaci, simbolika ka pesh\u00eb. Ajo tregon edhe se ku p\u00ebrqendrohet v\u00ebmendja politike.<\/p>\n<p>Sfida p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se NATO po largohet. Sfida \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb NATO po ndryshon.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb nj\u00eb Aleanc\u00eb ku pesha e secilit matet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb me kontributin q\u00eb jep, Kosova vazhdon t\u00eb perceptohet kryesisht p\u00ebrmes prizmit t\u00eb stabilizimit dhe paqeruajtjes. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb NATO diskuton kapacitete ushtarake, industri t\u00eb mbrojtjes dhe gatishm\u00ebri p\u00ebr konflikte t\u00eb mundshme me intensitet t\u00eb lart\u00eb, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia e Kosov\u00ebs me Aleanc\u00ebn mbetet e lidhur me logjik\u00ebn e viteve pas luft\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj, p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn dhe p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, pyetja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb vet\u00ebm si t\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb rajon i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm. Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse do t\u00eb arrij\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatet me nj\u00eb NATO q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon m\u00eb shum\u00eb se stabilitet, nj\u00eb NATO q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon kontribut.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00ebse p\u00ebr dy dekada pyetja kryesore p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor ishte se si NATO mund ta stabilizonte rajonin, pas Ankaras\u00eb pyetja do t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr: \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u2019i ofroj\u00eb rajoni NATO-s?<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>K\u00ebt\u00eb jav\u00eb, aleat\u00ebt dhe partner\u00ebt e NATO-s mblidhen n\u00eb Ankara n\u00eb nj\u00eb nga samitet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e Aleanc\u00ebs q\u00eb nga fillimi i luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb. Fokusi i k\u00ebtij samiti do t\u00eb jet\u00eb rritja e shpenzimeve p\u00ebr mbrojtje, lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrshtatja e NATO-s me nj\u00eb mjedis sigurie gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":251,"featured_media":12040,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[661,624,637,870],"ppma_author":[1437],"class_list":["post-14690","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kfor","tag-kryesore","tag-nato","tag-siguria"],"authors":[{"term_id":1437,"user_id":251,"is_guest":0,"slug":"donika-emini","display_name":"Donika Emini","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/02\/donika-28-e1772270353976.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/02\/donika-28-e1772270353976.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Emini","first_name":"Donika","description":"Donika Emini (kandidate p\u00ebr doktoratur\u00eb n\u00eb Politik\u00eb dhe Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin e Westminster, Lond\u00ebr) po drejton Platform\u00ebn CiviKos, nj\u00eb sekretariat q\u00eb mbledh 250 OSHC n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Ajo mban nj\u00eb burs\u00eb nga Fondi i K\u00ebrkimit p\u00ebr Sfidat Globale (GCRF) dhe nj\u00eb diplom\u00eb master n\u00eb Politika Publike, e specializuar n\u00eb Menaxhimin Publik dhe Jo-fitimprur\u00ebs dhe Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Pas kthimit t\u00eb saj nga Gjermania n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, znj. Emini ishte p\u00ebrfituese e Programit t\u00eb Zhvillimit Profesional t\u00eb t\u00eb Rinjve nga OSI - Think Tank, si pjes\u00eb e Qendr\u00ebs Kosovare p\u00ebr Studime t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb, ku ajo punoi m\u00eb par\u00eb (2013-2016). P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ajo ishte nj\u00eb Bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtore K\u00ebrkimore n\u00eb Institutin e BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr Studime t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb (EUISS) n\u00eb Zyr\u00ebn Qendrore n\u00eb Paris - burs\u00eb e dh\u00ebn\u00eb nga Fondi Evropian p\u00ebr Ballkanin. M\u00eb par\u00eb, znj. Emini punoi me Sekretariatin e Transparency International n\u00eb Berlin, Institutin e Politikave Ballkanike (IPOL) dhe Konsullat\u00ebn e P\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb New York."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14690","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/251"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14690"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14690\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14691,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14690\/revisions\/14691"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12040"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14690"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14690"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14690"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=14690"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}