{"id":14732,"date":"2026-07-13T11:34:20","date_gmt":"2026-07-13T09:34:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=14732"},"modified":"2026-07-13T11:34:20","modified_gmt":"2026-07-13T09:34:20","slug":"ballkani-perendimor-dallime-te-thella-ndaj-sherbimit-te-detyrueshem-ushtarak-mes-vendeve-anetare-dhe-joanetare-te-nato-s","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/ballkani-perendimor-dallime-te-thella-ndaj-sherbimit-te-detyrueshem-ushtarak-mes-vendeve-anetare-dhe-joanetare-te-nato-s\/","title":{"rendered":"Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor: dallime t\u00eb thella ndaj sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak mes vendeve an\u00ebtare dhe joan\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s"},"content":{"rendered":"

Pushtimi rus i Ukrain\u00ebs ka riform\u00ebsuar peizazhin gjeopolitik t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si shtetet e perceptojn\u00eb sigurin\u00eb dhe kapacitetet e tyre mbrojt\u00ebse<\/a>. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr temat kryesore q\u00eb ka ngjallur debat<\/a> \u00ebsht\u00eb mund\u00ebsia e rikthimit t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto zhvillime jan\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, nj\u00eb rajon i karakterizuar historikisht nga konflikte etnike dhe tensione t\u00eb pazgjidhura nd\u00ebrshtet\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n

Por, si po e perceptojn\u00eb vendet e rajonit k\u00ebt\u00eb prirje? A po rikthehet sh\u00ebrbimi i detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak n\u00eb vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor?<\/p>\n

Ekziston nj\u00eb dallim i thell\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s, si Shqip\u00ebria, Maqedonia e Veriut dhe Mali i Zi, e perceptojn\u00eb sigurin\u00eb dhe mbrojtjen, krahasuar me vendet joan\u00ebtare, si Kosova, Serbia dhe Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovina.<\/p>\n

Kosova mes transformimit ushtarak dhe munges\u00ebs s\u00eb kapaciteteve<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Kosova p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb rast specifik p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb statusit t\u00eb saj politik, tensioneve t\u00eb vazhdueshme me Serbin\u00eb dhe munges\u00ebs s\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb NATO. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, deri n\u00eb vitin 2018, Kosova nuk kishte nj\u00eb ushtri t\u00eb rregullt.<\/p>\n

Me zgjerimin e mandatit t\u00eb Forc\u00ebs s\u00eb Siguris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (FSK) m\u00eb 2018, ku u p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb edhe detyra t\u00eb mbrojtjes komb\u00ebtare, ajo u afrua m\u00eb shum\u00eb me funksionet e nj\u00eb force ushtarake konvencionale.<\/p>\n

FSK-ja<\/a> aktualisht ka rreth 4.000 pjes\u00ebtar\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7are t\u00eb tranzicionit, e cila pritet t\u00eb zgjas\u00eb deri n\u00eb vitin 2028, ky num\u00ebr synohet t\u00eb rritet n\u00eb mbi 7.500 pjes\u00ebtar\u00eb aktiv\u00eb dhe rezervist\u00eb<\/a>.<\/p>\n

FSK-ja ka evoluar nga nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb kryesisht e fokusuar n\u00eb menaxhimin e krizave dhe mbrojtjen civile, drejt kapaciteteve<\/a> t\u00eb plota ushtarake, duke reflektuar ndryshimet n\u00eb nevojat e siguris\u00eb s\u00eb vendit dhe zhvillimet n\u00eb mjedisin rajonal.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, Kosova endet mbetet larg kapaciteteve t\u00eb plota p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e vendit, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb numrit relativisht t\u00eb kufizuar t\u00eb pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve dhe faz\u00ebs ende t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfunduar t\u00eb transformimit.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrtej luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, sulmi terrorist n\u00eb Banjsk\u00eb m\u00eb 2023, nga forca paramilitare serbe, e p\u00ebrforcoi tutje perceptimin<\/a> se mjedisi i siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb mbetet i brisht\u00eb dhe se nevoja p\u00ebr forcimin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb kapaciteteve mbrojt\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb urgjente.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb jan\u00eb zhvilluar debate p\u00ebr mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e futjes s\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak<\/a>. Kryeministri Albin Kurti, n\u00eb mandatin e tij t\u00eb par\u00eb, kishte shprehur mb\u00ebshtetje p\u00ebr nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb pas ai u t\u00ebrhoq nga kjo qasje, duke u dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi zgjerimit t\u00eb rekrutimit vullnetar, forcimit t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb dhe zhvillimit t\u00eb koncepteve m\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse t\u00eb mbrojtjes totale<\/a>. Ky model, i ngjash\u00ebm me at\u00eb t\u00eb Finland\u00ebs dhe vendeve baltike, sipas tij, synon t\u2019u p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve funksione dhe detyra konkrete n\u00eb rast t\u00eb fatkeq\u00ebsive natyrore apo konflikteve t\u00eb armatosura.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb, sh\u00ebrbimi i detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak nuk duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb pjes\u00eb e ndonj\u00eb nisme konkrete institucionale, por mbetet n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb deklarimeve politike dhe si mund\u00ebsi e hapur p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n

Serbia rikthen sh\u00ebrbimin e detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Serbia p\u00ebrb\u00ebn rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb rajon sa i p\u00ebrket ndryshimit t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimit ushtarak, jo vet\u00ebm sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi shtet q\u00eb ka rivendosur sh\u00ebrbimin e detyruesh\u00ebm<\/a>, por edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb rolit t\u00eb saj destabilizues n\u00eb sigurin\u00eb rajonale.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitin 2010, Asambleja Komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Serbi vendosi pezullimin e sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak, duke kaluar n\u00eb nj\u00eb ushtri profesionale t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb rekrutim vullnetar. Ky ndryshim u paraqit si pjes\u00eb e modernizimit t\u00eb forcave t\u00eb armatosura dhe p\u00ebrshtatjes me trendet e pas-Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb e ndryshoi ndjesh\u00ebm kontekstin strategjik n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin Serbia e vler\u00ebson politik\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb mbrojtjes. K\u00ebshtu, n\u00eb vitin 2024, presidenti Aleksandar Vu\u00e7iq n\u00ebnshkroi<\/a> dekretin p\u00ebr rikthimin e sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak n\u00eb koh\u00ebzgjatje prej 75 dit\u00ebsh.<\/p>\n

Vendimi i Serbis\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb shihet vet\u00ebm si mas\u00eb teknike p\u00ebr rritjen e kapaciteteve ushtarake. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme duke pasur parasysh lidhjet e Serbis\u00eb me Rusin\u00eb, refuzimin e saj p\u00ebr t\u2019u rreshtuar me sanksionet per\u00ebndimore kund\u00ebr Mosk\u00ebs dhe politik\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb balancimit midis<\/a> Per\u00ebndimit dhe Lindjes.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, me veprimet e saj, Serbia nuk ndikon vet\u00ebm n\u00eb politikat e saj mbrojtjes, por edhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si vendet fqinje i vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb rreziqet dhe nevojat e tyre ushtarake.<\/p>\n

Kjo vlen sidomos<\/a> p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, ku Serbia vazhdon t\u00eb shihet si burim kryesor k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb mosnjohjes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, pretendimeve territoriale dhe episodeve t\u00eb dhunshme si sulmi n\u00eb Banjsk\u00eb. N\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovin\u00eb, ndikimi i Serbis\u00eb lidhet ngusht\u00eb me mb\u00ebshtetjen politike p\u00ebr akter\u00ebt secesionist\u00eb n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn Srpska, gj\u00eb q\u00eb e b\u00ebn \u00e7do forcim ushtarak t\u00eb Beogradit pjes\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb dileme m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb sigurie rajonale.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, rikthimi i sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak n\u00eb Serbi nuk perceptohet vet\u00ebm si \u00e7\u00ebshtje e brendshme e modernizimit t\u00eb ushtris\u00eb, por edhe si sinjal q\u00eb mund t\u00eb nxis\u00eb vendet fqinje t\u00eb rishikojn\u00eb kapacitetet e tyre mbrojt\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovina e ngujuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb paradoks sigurie<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Bosnj\u00eb-Hercegovina p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson rast t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb struktur\u00ebs komplekse institucionale, etnike, si dhe trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb s\u00eb luft\u00ebs t\u00eb viteve<\/a> 1992\u20131995.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitin 2006, Bosnja e hoqi rekrutimin e detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak, duke kaluar n\u00eb nj\u00eb ushtri profesionale. Ky transformim ishte pjes\u00eb e p\u00ebrpjekjeve m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera p\u00ebr t\u00eb modernizuar forcat e armatosura, p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim shumetnik dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb zvog\u00ebluar tensionet e brendshme dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrshtatur me normat e NATO-s.<\/p>\n

Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ka ndikuar ndjesh\u00ebm n\u00eb politikat mbrojt\u00ebse dhe orientimin gjeopolitik t\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht duke thelluar p\u00ebr\u00e7arjet brenda tij. Nd\u00ebrsa institucionet qendrore n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb kan\u00eb synuar forcimin e kapaciteteve mbrojt\u00ebse dhe afrimin me NATO-n dhe BE-n\u00eb, Republika Srpska, n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e Milorad Dodik-ut, ka ndjekur nj\u00eb linj\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrt me Rusin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Bosnja p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb paradoks sigurie. Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, nevoja p\u00ebr forcim institucional dhe gatishm\u00ebri mbrojt\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb e dukshme. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, \u00e7do p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr forcim ushtarak mund t\u00eb interpretohet ndryshe nga akter\u00ebt e brendsh\u00ebm, duke rritur mosbesimin dhe tensionet<\/a> politike.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, Bosnja nuk ka l\u00ebvizur drejt rikthimit t\u00eb rekrutimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm, por mbetet e ekspozuar ndaj dilemave t\u00eb siguris\u00eb q\u00eb lidhen me ndarjet e brendshme dhe ndikimet e jashtme.<\/p>\n

Shqip\u00ebria, Maqedonia e Veriut dhe Mali i Zi ndihen m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurta si vende an\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Shqip\u00ebria<\/strong> u b\u00eb an\u00ebtare<\/a> e NATO-s n\u00eb vitin 2009 dhe hoqi p\u00ebrfundimisht sh\u00ebrbimin e detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak. An\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb NATO ka kontribuar n\u00eb rritjen e ndjeshme t\u00eb stabilitetit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb s\u00eb vendit, i cili, me p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i rrethuar nga vende fqinje an\u00ebtare t\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ka ndikuar politikat e mbrojtjes s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, por nuk ka ndikuar n\u00eb rikthimin e sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak. Debati nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar te rikthimi i sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm, por te rritja e gatishm\u00ebris\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebse, forcimi i kapaciteteve ushtarake dhe rritja e shpenzimeve t\u00eb mbrojtjes<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Maqedonia e Veriut <\/strong>hoqi zyrtarisht rekrutimin e detyruesh\u00ebm n\u00eb vitin 2006 dhe kaloi n\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb t\u00eb armatosur profesionale. Ky ndryshim synonte t\u00eb rriste nd\u00ebrveprimin me forcat e NATO-s dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatiste vendin p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim t\u00eb plot\u00eb n\u00eb Aleanc\u00eb, q\u00ebllim i cili u realizua n\u00eb vitin 2020<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ka ndikuar n\u00eb perceptimet e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut, por nuk ka sjell\u00eb rikthimin e sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak. Ngjash\u00ebm me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb NATO ka luajtur rol stabilizues n\u00eb politikat e mbrojtjes.<\/p>\n

Mali i Zi<\/strong> u an\u00ebtar\u00ebsua n\u00eb NATO n\u00eb vitin 2017, duke konfirmuar orientimin e tij strategjik drejt strukturave euroatlantike t\u00eb siguris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ka shtyr\u00eb Malin e Zi t\u00eb rivler\u00ebsoj\u00eb mjedisin e tij t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndikimit rus n\u00eb rajon dhe ndarjeve t\u00eb brendshme politike lidhur me orientimin gjeopolitik t\u00eb vendit. Megjithat\u00eb, nuk ka pasur nisma formale p\u00ebr rikthimin e rekrutimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm. P\u00ebrkundrazi, p\u00ebrgjigjja e Malit t\u00eb Zi \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb rritjen e gatishm\u00ebris\u00eb ushtarake, forcimin e kapaciteteve<\/a> ekzistuese dhe rritjen e shpenzimeve t\u00eb mbrojtjes.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto zhvillime n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor tregojn\u00eb se sh\u00ebrbimi i detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak lidhet ngusht\u00eb me perceptimet e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit, orientimin gjeopolitik dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrshtet\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor e konceptojn\u00eb sigurin\u00eb e tyre kryesisht p\u00ebrmes garancive kolektive t\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebs, duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi bashk\u00ebpunimit ushtarak n\u00eb vend t\u00eb rikthimit t\u00eb mobilizimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, situata paraqitet krejt\u00ebsisht e kund\u00ebrt n\u00eb shtetet joan\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb rajon, ku debati p\u00ebr forcimin e kapaciteteve mbrojt\u00ebse dhe rikthimin e sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak mbetet m\u00eb i theksuar dhe i lidhur drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me perceptimet e pasiguris\u00eb dhe rreziqet rajonale.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Pushtimi rus i Ukrain\u00ebs ka riform\u00ebsuar peizazhin gjeopolitik t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si shtetet e perceptojn\u00eb sigurin\u00eb dhe kapacitetet e tyre mbrojt\u00ebse. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr temat kryesore q\u00eb ka ngjallur debat \u00ebsht\u00eb mund\u00ebsia e rikthimit t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimit t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm ushtarak. K\u00ebto zhvillime jan\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, nj\u00eb rajon i karakterizuar historikisht nga […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":402,"featured_media":14736,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[988,672,624,637,2816],"ppma_author":[688],"class_list":["post-14732","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-ballkani-perendimor","tag-eu","tag-kryesore","tag-nato","tag-sherbimi-i-detyrueshem-ushtarak"],"authors":[{"term_id":688,"user_id":402,"is_guest":0,"slug":"alfred-marleku","display_name":"Alfred Marleku","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Marleku","first_name":"Alfred","description":"Alfred Marleku ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet bachelor, master dhe ato t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenca politike. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin \u201cUBT\u201d, Fakultetin e Shkencave Politike.\r\n\r\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet ka punuar si menaxher i projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb financuara nga Komisioni Evropian, USAID-i, Ambasada Amerikane etj., t\u00eb cilat fokusohen, kryesisht, n\u00eb reformat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim (R&D); kthimin e trurit; zhvillimin e plan-programeve n\u00eb harmoni me nevojat e tregut etj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik si k\u00ebshilltar politik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14732","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/402"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14732"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14732\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14735,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14732\/revisions\/14735"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/14736"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14732"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14732"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14732"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=14732"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}