Gara nd\u00ebrmjet Washingtonit dhe Pekinit duket se do t\u00eb jet\u00eb fush\u00ebloja kryesore gjeopolitike e shek. XXI. Q\u00eb nga hapja dhe modernizimi i tregut n\u00eb fundin e viteve 1970, Kina ka p\u00ebrjetuar rritje t\u00eb hovshme ekonomike. Kjo rritje \u00ebsht\u00eb intensifikuar sidomos n\u00eb dekadat e fundit, kur Kina arriti t\u00eb b\u00ebhej ekonomia e dyt\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb numrit t\u00eb madh t\u00eb banor\u00ebve ekonomia kineze projekton mund\u00ebsi reale q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet ekonomia e par\u00eb globale n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n
Si rezultat i k\u00ebsaj, Kina gjithashtu ka arritur t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet nga nj\u00eb aktor rajonal n\u00eb superfuqi, n\u00eb kuptimin q\u00eb angazhimi i saj politik n\u00ebp\u00ebr kontinente t\u00eb ndryshme \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjeruar duksh\u00ebm. Nj\u00eb ngritje kaq e hovshme ka nxitur reagimin e shtetit m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm SHBA, prandaj Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb nga prioritetet kryesore t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme dhe politik\u00ebs s\u00eb siguris\u00eb amerikane. Lufta tregtare e inicuar nga SHBA, n\u00eb vitin 2018, \u00ebsht\u00eb ende duke vazhduar. Rishtas konfrontimi SHBA-Kin\u00eb u shfaq qartazi n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet me menaxhimin e koronavirusit, kur n\u00eb muajin maj SHBA u t\u00ebrhoq nga Organizata Bot\u00ebrore e Sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsis\u00eb (OBSH).\u00a0Presidenti Trump<\/a>\u00a0ia faturoi k\u00ebt\u00eb veprim arsyes se \u201cKina ka kontroll total mbi OBSH.\u201d<\/p>\n P\u00ebr disa komentator\u00eb dhe njer\u00ebz t\u00eb fush\u00ebs, kjo situat\u00eb e re e krijuar mes dy superfuqive mund t\u00eb cil\u00ebsohet edhe si\u00a0Luft\u00eb e Ftoht\u00eb<\/a>. Pavar\u00ebsisht se cilin term e adaptojm\u00eb, parashikimi i s\u00eb ardhmes duket sa i thjesht\u00eb edhe i nd\u00ebrlikuar. Rendi i ri nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u nd\u00ebrtuar \u00ebsht\u00eb multipolar, n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs do t\u00eb jen\u00eb SHBA, pas saj Kina dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt edhe Rusia. K\u00ebshtu pas bipolaritetit n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn post-1945 dhe unipolaritetit t\u00eb vendosur pas rr\u00ebzimit t\u00eb komunizmit n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn post-1990, politika nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb ku fuqia shp\u00ebrndahet n\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa nj\u00eb pol. Ky ndryshim n\u00eb maj\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare do t\u00eb reflektohet deri tek nj\u00ebsit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb im\u00ebta.<\/p>\n Sikur dihet, Kina refuzon ta njoh\u00eb pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs dhe ka kund\u00ebrshtuar n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi integrimin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb saj. Meqen\u00ebse trajektorja e shnd\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs nga nj\u00eb fuqi rajonale n\u00eb superfuqi luan efekt real n\u00eb raportet e fuqis\u00eb brenda politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ajo duhet analizuar holl\u00ebsisht edhe nga Kosova, si nj\u00eb shtet me njohje t\u00eb kufizuar, q\u00eb aspiron t\u00eb integrohet brenda sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar s\u00eb shpejti. Disa prej k\u00ebtyre pasojave, direkte dhe indirekte, jan\u00eb t\u00eb shprehura m\u00eb posht\u00eb.<\/p>\n Fundi i \u00e7astit unipolar<\/strong><\/p>\n Sikur u cek, ngjarjet e viteve t\u00eb fundit kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb shenja se rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar unipolar, me SHBA si udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs global, ka per\u00ebnduar. Moska dhe Pekini k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb rol gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb shtuar n\u00eb zhvillimet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, gjithashtu duke ndjekur agjendat e tyre n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb agresive. Ka disa ngjarje specifike q\u00eb d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb ngritjen e k\u00ebtyre poleve, jasht\u00eb sistemit liberal t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb norma, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera, aneksimi i Krimes\u00eb nga Rusia n\u00eb vitin 2014, dhe miratimi i ligjit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb p\u00ebr Hong-Kongun nga Kina n\u00eb 2020. K\u00ebto ngjarje, jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb tregojn\u00eb se Pekini dhe Moska nuk kan\u00eb nd\u00ebrmend t\u00eb b\u00ebhen pjes\u00eb e rendit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb liberalizmit institucional, por edhe do t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb ta sfidojn\u00eb me modele alternative t\u00eb qeverisjes. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, nj\u00eb nga tiparet kryesore t\u00eb kalimit n\u00eb multipolaritet \u00ebsht\u00eb zbehja e liberalizmit institucional.<\/p>\n Pas shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb bllokut komunist n\u00eb fillimin e viteve 1990, SHBA n\u00eb krye t\u00eb demokracive liberale q\u00ebndronte triumfuese e nj\u00eb lufte ideologjike, q\u00eb kishte zgjatur mbi kat\u00ebr dekada. Duke qen\u00eb duksh\u00ebm shteti m\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm n\u00eb bot\u00eb, gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe SHBA kishte mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb drejtonte politik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebrmes bashk\u00ebpunimit t\u00eb demokracive n\u00eb institucionet shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe.<\/p>\n N\u00eb fakt, n\u00ebse shihet n\u00eb retrospektiv\u00eb, lindja e Kosov\u00ebs si shtet \u00ebsht\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt pasoj\u00eb e multilaterlizmit liberal, n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e SHBA. Intervenimi humanitar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb 1999 u zbatua pa autorizimin e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb, duke qen\u00eb se Rusia dhe Kina bllokonin \u00e7far\u00ebdo formule t\u00eb zgjidhjes s\u00eb konfliktit. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn linj\u00eb, shpallja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb vitin 2008 dhe suksesi i saj n\u00eb njohjen nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb vitet e para pas shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, ishte ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht pasoj\u00eb e pozicionit t\u00eb fort\u00eb t\u00eb SHBA, dhe aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb saj, pra demokracive liberale.<\/p>\n Por, me forcimin e Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb dy vitet e fundit dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht forcimin ekonomik t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, avantazhi \u00ebsht\u00eb ngushtuar. Shp\u00ebrndarja e fuqis\u00eb po b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb horizontale, nd\u00ebrkaq Pekini dhe Moska kan\u00eb p\u00ebrher\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikuar rrjedhat e politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, jasht\u00eb vijave t\u00eb loj\u00ebs t\u00eb sistemit liberal. Pra, multipolariteti tashm\u00eb ka mb\u00ebrritur.<\/p>\n Zgjerimi shum\u00ebsferik i Kin\u00ebs<\/strong><\/p>\n Rritja ekonomike e Kin\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb izoluar vet\u00ebm brenda territorit kinez. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkthyer n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb ndikimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb territore t\u00eb jashtme, s\u00eb pari n\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj dhe kontinentin e Azis\u00eb, por edhe n\u00eb shtete t\u00eb Afrik\u00ebs, Amerik\u00ebs Latine dhe Evrop\u00ebs. Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtij zgjerimi \u00ebsht\u00eb e rregulluar p\u00ebrmes\u00a0Iniciativ\u00ebs Rrip dhe Rrug\u00eb (Belt and Road Initiative<\/em>– BRI)<\/a>, nj\u00eb projekt ambicioz zhvillimi, i nisur nga qeveria kineze n\u00eb vitin 2013. BRI synon q\u00eb t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb kushtet p\u00ebr tregti t\u00eb leht\u00ebsuar p\u00ebrmes rreth 70 shteteve t\u00eb Azis\u00eb, Evrop\u00ebs dhe Afrik\u00ebs, n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb duke financuar projekte infrastrukturore t\u00eb transportit dhe telekomunikacionit.<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre investimeve jan\u00eb t\u00eb organizuara p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs diplomacis\u00eb s\u00eb borxhit (debt-trap diplomacy<\/em>). Diplomacia e borxhit \u00ebsht\u00eb mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb i ofrohet shteteve p\u00ebr zbatimin e projekteve me hua me kamat\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebta. Sidoqoft\u00eb, k\u00ebto oferta t\u00eb leverdishme gjithashtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebrthyera me nj\u00eb kurth mbrapa, q\u00eb asetet t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb n\u00ebn emrin e kompanive kineze n\u00eb rast se obligimet nuk p\u00ebrmbushen n\u00eb koh\u00eb nga shteti.<\/p>\n Viktim\u00eb e diplomacis\u00eb s\u00eb borxhit ishte\u00a0Sri Lanka n\u00eb vitin 2017<\/a>. Ky shtet u desh t\u2019ia dor\u00ebzonte kontrollin e portit t\u00eb sapond\u00ebrtuar t\u00eb Hambantota nj\u00eb operatori kinez, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb plot\u00ebsoj\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb borxhit t\u00eb saj ndaj huadh\u00ebn\u00ebsve.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb diplomacia e borxhit i ofron kompanive kineze mund\u00ebsi reale t\u00eb rrisin numrin e aseteve t\u00eb zot\u00ebruara n\u00ebp\u00ebr shtete. Por p\u00ebrmes kompanive kineze ajo gjithashtu e vendos Kin\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb fort\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuar Qeverit\u00eb dhe shtetet p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar. Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre kompanive jan\u00eb n\u00ebn pron\u00ebsi t\u00eb shtetit kinez, t\u00eb tjerat jan\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetura nga shteti kinez p\u00ebrmes subvencioneve. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr, zgjerimi ekonomik p\u00ebrmes kurtheve t\u00eb huave me kamata t\u00eb ul\u00ebta \u00ebsht\u00eb aspekt ky\u00e7, p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar rritjen e Kin\u00ebs dhe mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e ndikimit t\u00eb saj edhe n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje politike.<\/p>\n M\u00eb tutje, ekziston frika se disa prej investimeve infrastrukturore, sikund\u00ebr n\u00eb porte, autostrada, hekurudha etj., mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb dyp\u00ebrdorim\u00ebshe, n\u00eb sensin q\u00eb mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb edhe si baza ushtarake. P\u00ebr shembull, Kina tashm\u00eb ka nd\u00ebrtuar baz\u00ebn e par\u00eb ushtarake n\u00eb\u00a0Xhibuti n\u00eb vitin 2017<\/a>. Supozohet se e nj\u00ebjta ka ndodhur edhe n\u00eb\u00a0Kamboxhia n\u00eb vitin 2019<\/a>. K\u00ebto baza jan\u00eb zakonisht t\u00eb kamufluara si projekte infrastruktore, k\u00ebsisoj ana kineze refuzon t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb karakterin e tyre ushtarak, zakonisht duke i em\u00ebruar si\u00a0\u201cpika strategjike t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahjes\u201d<\/a>. Sidoqoft\u00eb, ideja se Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb synuar t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb kushtet p\u00ebr t\u00eb projektuar forc\u00eb ushtarake n\u00eb rajonin e saj, por edhe n\u00eb territore t\u00eb larg\u00ebta,\u00a0tashm\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka e re<\/a>, edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb projekteve p\u00ebr\u00a0nd\u00ebrtimin e ishujve artificial\u00eb n\u00eb Detin e Kin\u00ebs s\u00eb Jugut<\/a>.<\/p>\n Par\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, disa dekada m\u00eb her\u00ebt ndikimi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i Kin\u00ebs ka qen\u00eb i pak\u00ebt. N\u00eb kontrast, p\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebrhyrjes ekonomike dhe investimeve sot Kina g\u00ebzon pozicion t\u00eb fort\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb shtete, duke ndikuar jo vet\u00ebm rezultatet ekonomike, por edhe politik\u00ebn e brendshme. Duke ndjekur k\u00ebt\u00eb qasje, n\u00eb dekadat e fundit Kina ka zgjeruar n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe prezenc\u00ebn dhe influenc\u00ebn n\u00eb shtete dhe rajone t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb Azi, Afrik\u00eb, Amerik\u00eb Latine por edhe Evrop\u00eb, duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb lojtar me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi. Pra, kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb trend t\u00eb painjoruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb zgjerimit n\u00eb disa sfera nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb sektor\u00ebt ekonomik\u00eb, politik\u00eb dhe ushtarak\u00eb.<\/p>\n Zgjerimi i Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebto rajone duhet konsideruar si faktor edhe n\u00eb fushat\u00ebn Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7njohjet e Kosov\u00ebs, e cila filloi n\u00eb N\u00ebntor t\u00eb vitit 2017. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb fushat\u00eb, Serbia ka lobuar m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti me ndihm\u00ebn e Rusis\u00eb, duke arritur t\u00eb bind\u00eb disa shtete t\u00eb l\u00ebshojn\u00eb nota verbale ku e \u00e7njohin Kosov\u00ebn. Pra, par\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, fushata e \u00e7njohjeve \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb rezultat \u00a0i\u00a0koordinimit Serbi-Rusi<\/a>. Megjithat\u00eb, gjithashtu duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb q\u00eb rritja e Kin\u00ebs mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb leht\u00ebsuar dhe rritur efikasitetin e k\u00ebsaj fushate, n\u00eb disa shtete n\u00eb Afrik\u00eb dhe Azi, me t\u00eb cilat Kina ka shfaqur hapur raporte shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngushta.<\/p>\n Gara SHBA-Kin\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n P\u00ebrderisa \u00ebsht\u00eb venitur shpresa se demokratizimi dhe integrimi i plot\u00eb i Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb sistemin liberal t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb norma do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet p\u00ebrmes shk\u00ebmbimit ekonomik, nevoja p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb re n\u00eb Washington \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrher\u00eb e m\u00eb spikat\u00ebse. Bazuar n\u00eb po k\u00ebt\u00eb nevoj\u00eb, n\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhjen e Strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb Mbrojtjes Komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb vitit 2018, SHBA e deklaroi Kin\u00ebn si\u00a0\u201cgarues strategjik\u201d<\/a>. Ky kualifikim natyrisht se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tregues se brenda politik\u00ebs amerikane gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet mobilizim i shtuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb neutralizuar kompeticionin q\u00eb vjen nga Pekini. Pra kemi hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb ri t\u00eb raporteve mes dy shteteve m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme n\u00eb bot\u00eb.<\/p>\n Lufta tregtare e inicuar nga Presidenti Trump n\u00eb vitin 2018, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tregues q\u00eb e d\u00ebshmon k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb ri, me synimin p\u00ebr ndarje mes dy ekonomive (economic decoupling<\/em><\/a>). Me kthimin e ides\u00eb s\u00eb ndarjes s\u00eb tregjeve mes dy superfuqive, gjithashtu vihet n\u00eb rend t\u00eb dyt\u00eb ideja e globalizimit t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim ekonomik, q\u00eb ka qen\u00eb epiqend\u00ebr e politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dekadat e fundit. K\u00ebsodore, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se gara SHBA-Kin\u00eb do t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndikim n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha segmentet dominante t\u00eb politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, si n\u00eb praktik\u00eb, ashtu edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb zb\u00ebrthyerit e koncepteve.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr ilustrim, gara mes SHBA dhe Kin\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur qart\u00eb n\u00eb betej\u00ebn p\u00ebr dominim teknologjik, n\u00eb raport me gjenerat\u00ebn e re t\u00eb komunikimit 5G. Kompania kineze Huawei tashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb lidere n\u00eb instalimin dhe nd\u00ebrtimin e rrjetit t\u00eb pajisjeve t\u00eb internetit 5G dhe ka filluar ose zbatuar projekte n\u00eb disa shtete. Megjithat\u00eb, dyshimet se kompania \u00ebsht\u00eb e mb\u00ebshtetur nga shteti kinez kan\u00eb ngritur shqet\u00ebsime n\u00eb disa shtete, sidomos n\u00eb raport me sigurin\u00eb nacionale. Pas SHBA-s\u00eb, disa shtete t\u00eb tjera e kan\u00eb ndaluar p\u00ebrdorimin e pajisjeve t\u00eb Huawei p\u00ebr instalimin e rrjeteve 5G, rishtazi\u00a0Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar disa jav\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb<\/a>. Beteja p\u00ebr 5G \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb nga segmentet q\u00eb v\u00eb n\u00eb pah se si gara SHBA-Kin\u00eb p\u00ebr 5G ka reflektuar edhe tek shtetet e treat. Me intensifikimin e gar\u00ebs SHBA-Kin\u00eb, episodet e ngjashme mund t\u00eb shpeshtohen, duke thelluar ndarjen mes dy poleve dhe aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n Kina n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor<\/strong><\/p>\n Edhe pse nuk mund t\u00eb krahasohet me zgjerimin q\u00eb ka ndodhur n\u00eb rajone t\u00eb Azis\u00eb apo Afrik\u00ebs, kurba e investimeve kineze vitet e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0duke u rritur n\u00eb rajonin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor<\/a>. T\u00eb gjitha shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, p\u00ebrpos Kosov\u00ebs, jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nism\u00ebs kineze\u00a0Belt and Road Initiative<\/em>\u00a0(BRI). Evropa Qendrore dhe Lindore, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, shihen si pjes\u00eb josh\u00ebse p\u00ebr kompanit\u00eb kineze, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pozit\u00ebs gjeografike, nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr investime t\u00eb huaja dhe af\u00ebrsis\u00eb me tregun e Bashkimit Evropian (BE). P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, Kina ka themeluar nj\u00eb format shum\u00ebpal\u00ebsh t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebto shtete, t\u00eb quajtur\u00a017+1<\/a>, ku jan\u00eb t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuara t\u00eb gjitha shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, p\u00ebrpos Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n Kompanit\u00eb kineze tashm\u00eb kan\u00eb zbarkuar brenda Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, duke nd\u00ebrtuar\u00a0autostrada n\u00eb Serbi, Maqedoni t\u00eb Veriut dhe Mal t\u00eb Zi<\/a>. N\u00eb Bosnje dhe Hercegovin\u00eb kompanit\u00eb kineze jan\u00eb prapa nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb kompanis\u00eb s\u00eb energjis\u00eb elektrike Elekropriveda, nd\u00ebrkaq n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri kan\u00eb bler\u00eb\u00a0koncesionin e Aeroportit t\u00eb Rinasit<\/a>\u00a0dhe\u00a0kompanin\u00eb kryesore t\u00eb prodhimit t\u00eb naft\u00ebs<\/a>. Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, kompanit\u00eb kineze kan\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzuar vakumin ekzistues, duke hyr\u00eb n\u00eb treg n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, p\u00ebrpos Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb, n\u00eb Beograd, Kina ka gjetur nj\u00eb nga aleat\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Krahasuar me t\u00eb gjitha shtetet, investimet kineze n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb lartat n\u00eb Serbi. Serbia nuk e ka fshehur se e sheh Kin\u00ebn jo vet\u00ebm si partner ekonomik, por edhe si aleat\u00a0n\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme dhe n\u00eb sektorin ushtarak<\/a>. K\u00ebshtu, Serbia dhe Kina jan\u00eb duke nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb raport t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit q\u00eb\u00a0tejkalon llogaritjet e p\u00ebrfitimeve t\u00eb transaksionit ekonomik<\/a>. S\u00eb fundmi, lidhja e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb Serbi-Kin\u00eb u demonstrua edhe kur Presidenti serb i zgjati dor\u00ebn e ndihm\u00ebs Presidentit kinez\u00a0Presidentit Shi Xhinping n\u00eb muajin mars<\/a>, duke e pritur solemnisht; nj\u00eb tentativ\u00eb e rehabilitimit t\u00eb reputacionit t\u00eb tij dhe Kin\u00ebs, n\u00eb syt\u00eb e Per\u00ebndimit, pas shp\u00ebrthimit t\u00eb Covid-19. Raporti i dy shteteve gjithashtu \u00ebsht\u00eb i kopsitur nga fakti se Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtare e fort\u00eb e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, Kina nuk zbarkon p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. Nga vitet 1960 deri n\u00eb vitin 1978, Kina kishte marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb ngushta me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb. At\u00ebbot\u00eb Tirana p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte aleanc\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb kinez\u00ebve me ndonj\u00eb shtet evropian. K\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb, zbarkimi kinez n\u00eb Ballkan \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb strategjik, gjithashtu i bazuar n\u00eb plane afatgjata. Bazuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, investimet dhe huat\u00eb kineze n\u00eb shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor me shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb do t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb duke u rritur n\u00eb dekadat e ardhshme, nd\u00ebrkaq aleanca me Serbin\u00eb do t\u00eb plot\u00ebsohet tutje.<\/p>\n Roli i NATO-s<\/strong><\/p>\n Si organizata m\u00eb e madhe e siguris\u00eb kolektive, me 30 shtete an\u00ebtare, NATO vazhdon t\u00eb luaj\u00eb nj\u00eb rol ky\u00e7 p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e shteteve, edhe pas afro shtat\u00eb dekada nga themelimi. Sidoqoft\u00eb, n\u00ebse shikohet nga plani historik, dizajnimi i saj, n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e SHBA, ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrbalancuar influenc\u00ebn e Bashkimit Sovjetik, k\u00ebsisoj shtetet an\u00ebtare dhe rajonet gjeografike t\u00eb parapara t\u2019i kontrolloj\u00eb, shtrihen kryesisht n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Ajo ishte dizajnuar brenda nj\u00eb sistemi ku fuqia ishte e ndar\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb bipolare. Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, NATO \u00ebsht\u00eb institucion i themeluar n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst q\u00eb dallon kat\u00ebrcip\u00ebrisht nga i sotmi.<\/p>\n Zgjerimi i organizat\u00ebs thuajse ka mb\u00ebrritur limitet e saj. NATO zyrtarisht cil\u00ebson\u00a0tre shtete si kandidate p\u00ebr zgjerim<\/a>: Bosnja dhe Hercegovina, Gjeorgjia dhe Ukraina. Sidoqoft\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb tre k\u00ebto shtete Rusia ka ndikim serioz. Pasi zgjerimi i planifikuar p\u00ebr Gjeorgjin\u00eb dhe Ukrain\u00ebn ishte cekur n\u00eb tekstin e\u00a0Samitit t\u00eb Bukureshtit<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb vitin 2008, Rusia reagoi duke nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb agresivisht n\u00eb t\u00eb dy k\u00ebto shtete, n\u00eb Gjeorgji n\u00eb vitin 2008 dhe Krime n\u00eb vitin 2014. Mesazhi i Rusis\u00eb ishte se nuk do ta mir\u00ebpriste zgjerimin e m\u00ebtutjesh\u00ebm t\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e saj. S\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi, realisht k\u00ebto dy shtete nuk kan\u00eb shanse praktike p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim, ngjash\u00ebm situata n\u00eb Bosnje dhe Hercegovin\u00eb gjithashtu nuk l\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr optimiz\u00ebm, si pasoj\u00eb e q\u00ebndrimeve anti-NATO t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs Serbe.<\/p>\n Me zhvendosjen e v\u00ebmendjes s\u00eb SHBA n\u00eb gar\u00ebn me Kin\u00ebn, me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb jan\u00eb ngritur pyetje se cili do t\u00eb jet\u00eb roli i NATO-s n\u00eb rrethanat e shek. XXI me nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar t\u00eb ri, me nj\u00eb betej\u00eb n\u00eb domenin ekonomik, si dhe brenda nj\u00eb rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar shum\u00ebpal\u00ebsh. P\u00ebr shum\u00eb k\u00ebnd, roli i NATO-s n\u00eb k\u00ebto ngjarje do jet\u00eb i reduktuar. Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se NATO n\u00eb dekadat e ardhshme do t\u00eb zhduket ose do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, vet\u00ebm se roli i saj n\u00eb gar\u00ebn SHBA-Kin\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb i margjinalizuar.<\/p>\n Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen aspiron an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb NATO. Lajmi i mir\u00eb p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn mund\u00ebsohet nga harta, pasi t\u00eb qenit gjeografikisht n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, n\u00ebnkupton se Kosova pra n\u00eb nj\u00eb sfer\u00eb t\u00eb kontrolluar n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe nga NATO. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb NATO duhet t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb prioritet i Kosov\u00ebs. Por, edhe n\u00ebse krijohen kushtet p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim duhet qart\u00ebsuar se sikur i gjith\u00eb rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, as NATO nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e vitit 1999, pra racionalja dhe funksioni i saj ka ndryshuar rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht. Rritja e Kin\u00ebs pra do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb n\u00eb rolin e NATO-s, p\u00ebr faktin se zhvendosja e v\u00ebmendjes n\u00eb Azi p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb gare ekonomike, nj\u00eb rajon ku NATO \u00ebsht\u00eb fare pak e shtrir\u00eb, ia pak\u00ebson mund\u00ebsit\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur rolin e dikursh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n Si p\u00ebrfundim, transformimet rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsore t\u00eb politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare vitet e fundit, mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehen dhe shpjegohen me forcimin e Rusis\u00eb dhe rritjen dramatike ekonomike t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. K\u00ebto ndryshime kan\u00eb filluar t\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb efekte afatgjat\u00eb n\u00eb kontinente dhe rajone t\u00eb ndryshme, duke e ndryshuar shp\u00ebrndarjen e fuqis\u00eb, k\u00ebshtu duke i kontribuar zhvillimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb rendi bot\u00ebror multipolar.<\/p>\n P\u00ebrmes projektit\u00a0Belt and Road Initiative<\/em>\u00a0(BRI) Kina ka zgjeruar zonat e ndikimit n\u00eb dhjet\u00ebra shtete, duke arritur t\u00eb b\u00ebhet lojtar me pesh\u00eb brenda nj\u00eb periudhe relativisht t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr. Rritja e shpejt\u00eb ekonomike e Kin\u00ebs ka filluar t\u00eb l\u00eb gjurm\u00eb, nd\u00ebr tjera me sfidimin e rendit liberal, zhvendosjen e v\u00ebmendjes amerikane n\u00eb Azi p\u00ebrmes gar\u00ebs ekonomike dhe rimendimin e rolit t\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb ri.<\/p>\n Ky zgjerim \u00ebsht\u00eb shtrir\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs, pra n\u00eb rajonin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, ku ka pasur nj\u00eb shtim t\u00eb investimeve t\u00eb kompanive kineze n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha shtetet e rajonit, p\u00ebrpos Kosov\u00ebs. K\u00ebto projekte shtrihen n\u00eb sfera t\u00eb ndryshme, nga huat\u00eb me kamata t\u00eb ul\u00ebta p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtim t\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebs, deri tek blerja e aseteve publike.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb, brenda Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor Kina ka gjetur nj\u00eb miq\u00ebsi t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme q\u00eb tejkalon shk\u00ebmbimin ekonomik, duke u shtrir\u00eb edhe n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme dhe sektorin ushtarak. P\u00ebrmes aleanc\u00ebs me Serbin\u00eb, Kina duket se k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb rol gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb shtuar n\u00eb rajon. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Kina vazhdon t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje kund\u00ebrshtuese ndaj pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha nismat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Prandaj, p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb shtrirjen dhe efektet afatgjata t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj nd\u00ebrmarrjeje q\u00eb tashm\u00eb ka z\u00ebn\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00eb.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Gara nd\u00ebrmjet Washingtonit dhe Pekinit duket se do t\u00eb jet\u00eb fush\u00ebloja kryesore gjeopolitike e shek. XXI. Q\u00eb nga hapja dhe modernizimi i tregut n\u00eb fundin e viteve 1970, Kina ka p\u00ebrjetuar rritje t\u00eb hovshme ekonomike. Kjo rritje \u00ebsht\u00eb intensifikuar sidomos n\u00eb dekadat e fundit, kur Kina arriti t\u00eb b\u00ebhej ekonomia e dyt\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb. P\u00ebr […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":68,"featured_media":1593,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[645,687,656],"ppma_author":[77],"class_list":["post-1592","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-china","tag-foreign-policy","tag-usa"],"authors":[{"term_id":77,"user_id":68,"is_guest":0,"slug":"butrint-berisha","display_name":"Butrint Berisha","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-7-3.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-7-3.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Berisha","first_name":"Butrint","description":"Butrint Berisha ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet BA p\u00ebr Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs dhe studimet MA n\u00eb Universitetin e Stokholmit, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb nj\u00eb semest\u00ebr shk\u00ebmbimi n\u00eb Universitetin e Strathclyde, n\u00eb Skoci. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i angazhuar n\u00eb Institutin e Pristin\u00ebs p\u00ebr Studime Politike (PIPS). Fokusi i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb politika nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1592","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/68"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1592"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1592\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1594,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1592\/revisions\/1594"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1593"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1592"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1592"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1592"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1592"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}