{"id":1606,"date":"2020-06-09T15:29:16","date_gmt":"2020-06-09T14:29:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=1606"},"modified":"2023-12-18T15:09:07","modified_gmt":"2023-12-18T14:09:07","slug":"eshte-ora-e-amerikes-jo-e-evropes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/eshte-ora-e-amerikes-jo-e-evropes\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00cbsht\u00eb ora e Amerik\u00ebs, jo e Evrop\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"

M\u00eb 1991, pas d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb Komunitetit Evropian (KE) p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm n\u00eb \u201cKriz\u00ebn e Gjirit\u201d, ish-Ministri i Jasht\u00ebm belg Mark Eyskens pati th\u00ebn\u00eb se BE-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cgjigant ekonomik, xhuxh politik dhe krimb ushtarak<\/em>\u201d. Po at\u00eb vit, Shefi i K\u00ebshillit p\u00ebr Pun\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme t\u00eb KE-s\u00eb dhe ish-Ministri i Luksemburgut Jacques Poos kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb se \u201cKjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ora e Evrop\u00ebs \u2013 jo ora e Amerikan\u00ebve… N\u00ebse nj\u00eb problem mund t\u00eb zgjidhet nga ne, \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i Jugosllavis\u00eb. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb vend evropian dhe nuk u takon amerikan\u00ebve t\u00eb p\u00ebrzihen. \u00cbsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm \u00e7\u00ebshtje e jona<\/em>\u201d.<\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb pasoi ishte reagimi i \u00e7akorduar i an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb KE-s\u00eb kundrejt luft\u00ebrave n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi. Ora e Evrop\u00ebs nuk kishte ardhur. Gjermania pa u konsultuar me asnj\u00eb shtet kishte njohur pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kroacis\u00eb dhe Sllovenis\u00eb. Kjo e shtyu komunitetin q\u00eb t\u00eb avancoj\u00eb me proces t\u00eb integrimit t\u00eb m\u00ebtutjesh\u00ebm. Traktati i Mastrihtit nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb von\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm ndryshoi emrin e KE-s\u00eb n\u00eb BE, por krijoi edhe nj\u00eb shtyll\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme, q\u00eb u quajt Politika e P\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebr Siguri dhe Pun\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme, q\u00eb edhe sot \u00ebsht\u00eb institucioni m\u00eb i lart\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrafsh.<\/p>\n

Derisa Jugosllavia dezintegrohej dhunsh\u00ebm dhe me luft\u00eb, Evropa integrohej s\u00eb brendshmi p\u00ebr t\u00eb luajtur rol m\u00eb t\u00eb madh nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Prandaj Ballkani mund t\u00eb quhet edhe vendlindja e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Nga ajo koh\u00eb BE-ja ka b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb suksesshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur kapacitetet e \u201caktor\u00ebsis\u00eb\u201d. Ajo ishte m\u00eb efektive n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs dhe kontribuoi shum\u00eb n\u00eb rind\u00ebrtimin e saj. BE-ja tani ka shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr rol n\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsi t\u00eb vet.<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo as tet\u00eb vite dialog nuk i mjaftuan q\u00eb t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb n\u00ebn ombrell\u00ebn e vet. At\u00ebher\u00eb kur pritej q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhej hapi i madh p\u00ebrpara, dialogu i facilituar nga BE-ja mori n\u00eb thua dhe stagnoi. Marr\u00ebveshjet e zbatuara nuk u zhb\u00ebn\u00eb, por ato nuk ishin t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar marr\u00ebveshjen p\u00ebrfundimtare. Si\u00e7 argumentuam n\u00eb shkrimin e fundit, negociatat kan\u00eb \u201cnormalizuar iden\u00eb e normalizimit\u201d, por nuk kan\u00eb prodhuar nj\u00eb ujdi q\u00eb do t\u00eb normalizonte marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kosov\u00eb-Serbi.<\/p>\n

Nga viti 2015 dialogu nuk ka sh\u00ebnuar p\u00ebrparim. P\u00ebrkundrazi, raportet mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsuar. Serbia vazhdon agresivitetin e vet diplomatik duke e penguar an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb organizatat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe duke orkestruar nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7njohjeve kund\u00ebr saj. Si kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje, Kosova ka vendosur fillimisht tarif\u00ebn 100% p\u00ebr produktet nga Serbia e s\u00eb fundmi p\u00ebr pak dit\u00eb edhe masat e reciprocitetit. P\u00ebrpos k\u00ebtyre zhvillimeve, u hap edhe \u00e7\u00ebshtja e kufijve q\u00eb sh\u00ebnoi edhe dekompozimin e formatit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb dhe braktisjen e paradigm\u00ebs q\u00eb ndryshimin e tyre e sheh si recet\u00eb p\u00ebr konflikt e kaos. N\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare kjo sh\u00ebnon nj\u00eb moment revizionist sepse Kosova dhe Serbia u b\u00ebn\u00eb shtete q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb dalin jo vet\u00ebm nga status-quo e kontestit mes tyre, por edhe nga matrica normative q\u00eb rregullon \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e kufijve shtet\u00ebror\u00eb, sidomos n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj \u00ebsht\u00eb zbehur edhe perspektiva e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr integrim, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb mospajtimeve mes Gjermanis\u00eb dhe Franc\u00ebs rreth hapave t\u00eb m\u00ebtutjesh\u00ebm t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Nj\u00eb trend i till\u00eb nuk ndikoi vet\u00ebm n\u00eb uljen e ritmit t\u00eb dialogut t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, por edhe rriti diskrepanc\u00ebn mes BE-s\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs e Serbis\u00eb. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, ShBA-ja gradualisht, por sigurt, ka shtrir\u00eb pranin\u00eb e vet n\u00eb vakumin e krijuar nga inercioni i BE-s\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb lojtari num\u00ebr nj\u00eb. ShBA-ja me forc\u00ebn e saj politike \u00ebsht\u00eb duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrmes adresimit t\u00eb dy dob\u00ebsive m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb: paqart\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe afatet kohore.<\/p>\n

ShBA-ja eliminon ambiguitetin kur flet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksplicite p\u00ebr njohje reciproke, duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb dialogut qart\u00ebsin\u00eb e merituar. Poashtu, derisa BE-ja flet p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje vitesh, ShBA-ja flet p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje muajsh, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb preksh\u00ebm procesin. Me ShBA-n\u00eb pal\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb sigurta se nuk po p\u00ebrhumben n\u00eb spiralen e nj\u00eb tregimi q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrfundon kurr\u00eb, por se po angazhohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb plan t\u00eb qart\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjasa p\u00ebr marr\u00ebveshje.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr ta ndryshuar rrjedh\u00ebn e ngjarjeve, muajve t\u00eb fundit BE-ja ka intensifikuar p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u2019u reimponuar si autoriteti num\u00ebr nj\u00eb n\u00eb raportet mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb kthim n\u00eb situat\u00ebn e para pak viteve, ku integrimi evropian ishte alfa dhe omega e \u00e7do problemi n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor dhe ku e ardhmja n\u00eb BE sh\u00ebrbente si meta-parim p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilit kjo pjes\u00eb e bot\u00ebs krijon sens politik p\u00ebr secilin proces lokal e regjional.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq duket se kjo m\u00eb shum\u00eb i p\u00ebrket t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs e m\u00eb pak t\u00eb ardhmes, sidomos p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. BE-ja nuk e ka trajtuar barabar\u00ebsisht Kosov\u00ebn me vendet tjera e sidomos me Serbin\u00eb. Kosov\u00ebs nuk i jan\u00eb liberalizuar vizat edhe pse ka p\u00ebrmbushur kritere m\u00eb shum\u00eb se secili shtet n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. N\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb me vendosjen e Josep Borellit nga Spanja dhe Miroslav Lajcakut nga Sllovakia n\u00eb krye t\u00eb dialogut, BE-ja e ka prer\u00eb deg\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn q\u00ebndronte relevante n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. BE-ja ka pasur gjithnj\u00eb munges\u00eb konsensusi sa i p\u00ebrket Kosov\u00ebs, por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb hera e par\u00eb q\u00eb dialogu udh\u00ebhiqet nga dy zyrtar\u00eb q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga shtetet q\u00eb nuk e njohin Kosov\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Kjo p\u00ebrzgjedhje ndoshta \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nga fakti q\u00eb, duke par\u00eb rreshtimin strikt t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb an\u00ebn e ShBA-s\u00eb, BE-ja po mundohet ta josh\u00eb dhe nxjerr\u00eb Serbin\u00eb nga dialogu, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb formati i Washingtonit t\u00eb d\u00ebshtoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, problemi q\u00ebndron tek fakti se BE-ja po k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul q\u00eb dialogu t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb pa strategji t\u00eb qart\u00eb n\u00eb terma p\u00ebrmbajt\u00ebsor\u00eb dhe kalendarik\u00eb. K\u00ebt\u00eb e konfirmuan para disa dit\u00ebve n\u00eb artikullin e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb Ministrit t\u00eb Jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb Franc\u00ebs Le Drian dhe atij t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb Maas. N\u00eb let\u00ebr konfirmohet vullneti i BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb rinisur dialogun, por edhe k\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb mungoi gatishm\u00ebria p\u00ebr ta artikuluar qart\u00eb natyr\u00ebn e kontestit Kosov\u00eb-Serbi.<\/p>\n

Prap\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrmendet njohja reciproke dhe p\u00ebrs\u00ebri mungojn\u00eb afatet. Si\u00e7 e tha edhe nj\u00eb njoh\u00ebs i dialogut, n\u00eb let\u00ebr v\u00ebrehej ngjashm\u00ebria me vitin 2010, kur kishte nisur dialogu. Njohjen nuk e p\u00ebrmendi as Angela Merkel n\u00eb urimin e saj p\u00ebr Kryeministrin e ri, Avullah Hoti, ku ritheksoi se \u201cdialogu i nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar nga BE-ja p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb duhet t\u00eb rifillloj\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb kund\u00ebrth\u00ebnieve t\u00eb brendshme, BE-ja e ka t\u00eb pamundur t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb nj\u00eb adres\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb politik\u00eb koherente. Ky realitet e mban ende peng ambicien e BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb superfuqi politike bot\u00ebrore. BE-ja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cnj\u00eb xhuxh politik<\/em>\u201d, si\u00e7 thoshte Eyskens, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as vigan i p\u00ebrmasave t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo pamund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb larguar mjegull\u00ebn v\u00ebrteton krahasimet q\u00eb Robert Kagan b\u00ebnte mes ShBA-s\u00eb dhe BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cPushtet dhe Parajs\u00eb\u201d, ku thot\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr dallim prej ShBA-s\u00eb, BE-ja m\u00eb shum\u00eb interesohet p\u00ebr procesin sesa p\u00ebr rezultatet. Sipas tij, BE-ja beson se bota \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb komplekse p\u00ebr zgjidhje t\u00eb thjeshta dhe se \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e mbyllur n\u00eb parajs\u00ebn e idealeve t\u00eb \u201cpaqes s\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme\u201d kantiane p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb efektive n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb anarkike hobsiane. ShBA-ja ka m\u00eb pak durim dhe parap\u00eblqen aksionin p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur problemin. Ndryshe nga BE-ja q\u00eb operon vet\u00ebm me karrot\u00eb, amerikan\u00ebt nuk e kan\u00eb problem ta p\u00ebrdorin edhe shkopin.<\/p>\n

Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, thot\u00eb Kagan, \u201cShBA-ja vjen nga Marsi, kurse BE-ja nga Af\u00ebrdita: ata pajtohen shum\u00eb pak dhe edhe m\u00eb pak kuptohen<\/em>\u201d. Sidomos kjo vlen kur vjen puna tek dialogu Kosov\u00eb-Serbi. Me \u201cnormalizim\u201d BE-ja nuk i k\u00ebrkon Serbis\u00eb q\u00eb ta njeh Kosov\u00ebn, kurse ShBA-ja po. Poashtu, ato dallojn\u00eb edhe n\u00eb toleranc\u00ebn ndaj revizionizmit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb ndryshimin e kufijve n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje. Edhe pse nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje kuptimplote pa BE-n\u00eb dhe Britanin\u00eb e Madhe e madje edhe Rusin\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se dallimet q\u00eb i rendit Kagan n\u00eb fund do t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb dallimin mes BE-s\u00eb dhe ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb raport me dialogun.<\/p>\n

I frustruar me KE-n\u00eb, Henry Kissinger pyeste se \u201ck\u00eb duhet ta th\u00ebrras, kur th\u00ebrras Evrop\u00ebn?<\/em>\u201d – Kjo pyetje vlen akoma dhe sidomos p\u00ebr ne: k\u00eb duhet ta th\u00ebrrasim, kur th\u00ebrrasim BE-n\u00eb? Merkelin, Macronin, Borellin apo Laj\u00e7akun? Spanj\u00ebn apo Gjermanin\u00eb? Deri sa t\u00eb mos kemi vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb num\u00ebr, ora e Evrop\u00ebs nuk do t\u00eb vij\u00eb. Jo n\u00eb Ballkanin q\u00eb tani po e mat\u00eb koh\u00ebn me or\u00ebn e Washingtonit, q\u00eb ka vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb telefonit, at\u00eb t\u00eb Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb. Evropa mund t\u00eb pret or\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb regjion sepse tani p\u00ebr tani ora \u00ebsht\u00eb e Amerik\u00ebs.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

M\u00eb 1991, pas d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb Komunitetit Evropian (KE) p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm n\u00eb \u201cKriz\u00ebn e Gjirit\u201d, ish-Ministri i Jasht\u00ebm belg Mark Eyskens pati th\u00ebn\u00eb se BE-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cgjigant ekonomik, xhuxh politik dhe krimb ushtarak\u201d. Po at\u00eb vit, Shefi i K\u00ebshillit p\u00ebr Pun\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme t\u00eb KE-s\u00eb dhe ish-Ministri i Luksemburgut Jacques Poos kishte th\u00ebn\u00eb se […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":415,"featured_media":1607,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[672,664,656],"ppma_author":[778],"class_list":["post-1606","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-eu","tag-kosovo","tag-usa"],"authors":[{"term_id":778,"user_id":415,"is_guest":0,"slug":"shkodran-ramadani","display_name":"Shkodran Ramadani","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ramadani","first_name":"Shkodran","description":"Shkodran Ramadani \u00ebsht\u00eb hulumtues n\u00eb Institutin \u201cCompass\u201d n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb. Ai ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet Bachelor n\u00eb Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb dhe studimet Master n\u00eb Sociologji n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Shkodrani \u00ebsht\u00eb aktiv n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e hulumtimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb tranzicionale, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, populizmit, sekularizmit, demokracis\u00eb konsociacionale dhe autonomis\u00eb."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1606","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/415"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1606"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1606\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1608,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1606\/revisions\/1608"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1607"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1606"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1606"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1606"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1606"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}